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Showing posts with label Papyrus. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Papyrus. Show all posts

Tuesday, March 10, 2026

The Mystery of the Nomina Sacra in Second Peter in Papyrus 72

            If Papyrus 72 (Papyrus Bodmer VII and VIII) is correctly dated to 250-300, it is our earliest copy of Second Peter.    Here we have a document that is early enough, possibly, to give some insight on how scribes used nomina sacra instead of the full words God, Lord, Jesus, and Christ, and how soon the nomina sacra were expanded to include words such as spirit, mother, father, son, man, savior, heaven, David, and Jerusalem.  Since the Biblical portions of P72 are online at the Vatican Library’s website, it is easy to investigate. Let’s see what we can find out when we focus on P72’s text of Second Peter.

            The first occurrence of nomina sacra in Second Peter is not unusual – in both occurrences in verse 1, “Jesus Christ” is presented in three-character suspension,  ΙΗΥ ΧΡΥ.

            Verse 2 in P72 is unique and rather remarkable:  instead of the usual reading ἐπιγνώσει τοῦ θυ καὶ Ἰυ τοῦ, P72 reads επειγνωση του θυ ιηυ του κυριου – a rare example of κυρίου being written out in full.    

            In 1:8, the content is not unusual but the format is. In καθειστησιν εις τη του an overline appears over τη του.  It is tempting to think that the scribe initially wrote τη  and added the του while proofreading, having initially written the overline to represent a final ν.

            In 1:11, κυ appears as usual and the verse concludes with σωτηρος ιηυ χρυ.

            In 1:14, κς and ιης χρς appear.

            In 1:16, κυ and ιηυ χρυ appear.

            In 1:17, θυ πρς appears – and thus we have here evidence that πρς is as early as the other four nomina sacra, at least where in appears alongside θυ.

            In 1:21 πνς appears, and thus we see evidence that the contraction of πνεύματος was as ancient as the other four nomina sacra.  We also see θυ.

            In 2:4 θς appears where expected.

            In 2:9 κυριος appears written in full.

            In 2:11 κυ appears both overlined and underlined.

            In 2:20 κυριου is written in full and overlined and after σωτηρος, ιηυ χρυ appear.

Second Peter 2:18-21 in P72

            In 3:2 κυ appears as expected.

            In 3:5 θυ appears.

            In 3:9 κω and κς appear.

            In 3:10 κυ appears.

            In 3:12 θυ appears.

            In 3:15 κυ appears.

            In 3:18 κυ appears and so does ιηυ χρυ.


            The mystery - which as far as I know remains unsolved - is, why is κυριος written out in full in these specific places, and not elsewhere?  One thing is clear though:  it would be commendable for future printed Greek New Testaments to offer an archetype of all witnesses with the nomina sacra presented in their earliest extant form, not artificially uncontracted (as is currently this case).

 

 

Sunday, June 22, 2025

P52 - The Faintest and Brightest Papyrus Star (with guest Dwayne Green)

The tiny fragment Papyrus 52 has gotten an inordinate amount of attention by being perhaps the earliest written copy of any text from a book of the New Testament (from John 18:31-33 and 18:37-38).   Catalogued as Papyrus Rylands Greek 457 and brought to to public attention by Colin H. Roberts in 1935, perhaps more facsimiles have been made of it than any other New Testament papyrus (one is offered at Credo Courses for example).  Roberts' analysis placed P52 in he first half of the 100s.

There is not enough to P52 to confidently proclaim its text Alexandrian but what is extant points in that direction.  Let's take a look at its text  (bold  = extant) 

Recto: from 18:31-33)

ΟΙ ΙΟΥΔΑΙΟΙ ΗΜΕ]ΙΝ ΟΥΚ ΕΞΕΣΤΙΝ ΑΠΟΚΤΕΙΝΑΙ

ΟΥΔΕΝΑ ΙΝΑ Ο Λ]ΟΓΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΙΗΣΟΥ ΠΛΗΡΩΘΗ ΟΝ ΕΙ-
ΠΕΝ ΣΗΜΑΙΝΩ]Ν ΠΟΙΩ ΘΑΝΑΤΩ ΗΜΕΛΛΕΝ ΑΠΟ-
ΘΝΗΣΚΕΙΝ ΙΣ]ΗΛΘΕΝ ΟΥΝ ΠΑΛΙΝ ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΠΡΑΙΤΩ-
ΡΙΟΝ Ο Π]ΙΛΑΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΦΩΝΗΣΕΝ ΤΟΝ ΙΗΣΟΥΝ
ΚΑΙ ΕΙΠ]ΕΝ ΑΥΤΩ ΣΥ ΕΙ O ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΤΩΝ ΙΟΥ-
ΔΑΙΩ]N




Verso:  (18:37-38)


ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΕΙΜΙ ΕΓΩ ΕΙΣ TO[ΥΤΟ ΓΕΓΕΝΝΗΜΑΙ
ΚΑΙ ΕΛΗΛΥΘΑ ΕΙΣ ΤΟΝ ΚΟ[ΣΜΟΝ ΙΝΑ ΜΑΡΤΥ-
ΡΗΣΩ ΤΗ ΑΛΗΘΕΙΑ ΠΑΣ Ο ΩΝ [ΕΚ ΤΗΣ ΑΛΗΘΕI-
ΑΣ ΑΚΟΥΕΙ ΜΟΥ ΤΗΣ ΦΩΝΗΣ [ΛΕΓΕΙ ΑΥΤΩ
Ο ΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ ΤΙ ΕΣΤΙΝ ΑΛΗΘΕΙΑ Κ[ΑΙ ΤΟΥΤΟ
ΕΙΠΩΝ ΠΑΛΙΝ ΕΞΗΛΘΕΝ ΠΡΟΣ [ΤΟΥΣ Ι]ΟΥ-
ΔΑΙΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΛΕΓΕΙ ΑΥΤΟΙΣ ΕΓΩ ΟΥΔ[ΕΜ]ΙΑΝ
ΕΥΡΙΣΚΩ ΕΝ ΑΥΤΩ ΑΙΤΙΑΝ


As P52's Wikipedia listing says, "There appears insufficient room for the repeated phrase (ΕΙΣ ΤΟΥΤΟ) in the second line of the verso, and it is suggested that these words were inadvertently dropped through haplography."

Deviations from the Byzantine Text:

v. 31 - ημειν instead of ημιν

v. 32 - ισηλθεν instead of εισηλθεν

v. 33 - the word-order is Alexandria; παλιν preceding εις το πραιτώριον


The abundance of online material about P52 makes P104 seem neglected in comparison.  A few samples:

David Litwa Profiles P52 

Michael Marlowe Presents P52 

BiblicalTours - P52 with Dan Wallace

Recently P52 was mentioned on the Joe Rogan podcast in an interview with Wesley Huff of Apologetics Canada.  and Brent Nongbri has provided some helpful clarifications about some statements Wes made  which need improvement.  Nongbri has continued to profitably research P52.

P52 is notable for  being from a codex which was very probably a codex of only the Gospel of John. Robert's analysis supporting this is accessible online.

P52 has been featured on YouTube in simple profiles and in a 2024 lecture Steven Combs claimed that it supports the Textus ReceptusDwayne Green has offered some pushback in a video that can be viewed here.

TTotG:  Welcome, Dwayne Green!   Tell us:  does P52 support the Textus Receptus?

Dwayne Green

Dwayne Green: 
 No.   P52 does not support the Textus Receptus.  A couple weeks ago, Dr. Steven Combs under the banner of the King James Bible Research Council (KJBRC) had released a short video entitled “Textus Receptus Found in the Papyrus?”. Evidently this was clipped from a larger lecture on the Textus Receptus (TR) that was given at the KJBRC Regional Conference in 2023. Within the first 45 seconds of the short video Dr. Combs made a rather curious claim that P52, our oldest extant manuscript of the New Testament, actually supports the Received Text. In the words of Dr. Combs:

“Papyrus 52 . . . has one spelling difference and one place that I consider to be a scribal error. Because it was an omicron . . . that was misplaced and put in front of the word instead of behind it. Besides that it is a perfect match to the Textus Receptus.”

Curious indeed. It’s worth asking the questions: What spelling error is he talking about and what does he mean by ‘scribal error’ and is this really a simple mishap that would have otherwise left us with a perfect representative of the TR in our earliest papyri?

First, it’s worth noting that the TR in John 18:31-33 shares the same form alongside the Byzantine Textform, HF Majority, Antoniades, and Family 35. Though family 35 contains the textual variant εμελλεν instead of ημελλεν, however P52 is lacunose at this word and so from the perspective of this analysis, they are essentially the same. For the most part, the NA28 matches with the WH text and differs from the former group in one important way. In John 18:33, the critical editions read “Εισηλθεν ουν παλιν εις το πραιτωριον ο Πιλατος” whereas the former editions read “Εισηλθεν ουν εις το πραιτωριον παλιν ο Πιλατος”. Make a mental note of where παλιν and ο Πιλατος are in relation to each other as this will be very important later on in this analysis. Admittedly, from the perspective of our English translations, this is hardly discernible and regardless of where παλιν appears in the phrase, it has little consequence to our English understanding of how this verse is to be understood.

TTotG:  So the difference in meaning is zero - but there is an orthographic difference.  What are your thoughts about that?

Dwayne Green:  Dr. Combs claimed that P52 “has one spelling difference”. If you take a look at the image, I was able to find two spelling variants that are visible on the manuscripts itself. The first line likely reads “ΟΙΙΟΥΔΑΙΟΙΗΜΕ”. The final epsilon is not expected, rather what is expected is the third person pronoun in the dative form ΗΜΙΝ, it should be an iota instead. According to Swanson’s collations, there are no textual variants that match the final epsilon in this passage. So what’s the deal? I offer two possible explanations. 1) This is a simple case of itacism and it’s possible that the scribe had written down ΗΜΕΙΝ. This has occurred in at least one place in P66 (see John 17:21). Whether the scribe had copied what was in front of him or inserted his own unintentional variation would be impossible to determine. 2) This could be a case of a grammatical error if the scribe had written ΗΜΕΙΣ, however there are no variants elsewhere in the manuscript tradition that support this. Given these two options, itacism seems far more plausible than the grammatical error. We shall give Dr. Combs the benefit of the doubt in this case and suggest that itacism is the culprit and this is a simple spelling variation rather than a spelling error.

The second spelling error is found on the fourth line which reads ΘΝΗΣΚΕΙΝΙΣ (image 2). Though the text is faded, you can still make out the iota and the sigma. The expected word here is “Εισηλθεν” and the astute viewer will notice that the epsilon is missing. This is indeed true. Evidently, the dipthong ΕΙ may have sounded the same or similar as a single iota and this may have confused the scribe creating a spelling error. This is of course is assuming that the scribe did not correctly copy the exemplar before him and produced the error rather than copied it. So we’ll give this one to Dr. Combs as it is likely the ‘spelling error’ that he had referred to in the short video.

I therefore take no issues with his claim of a single spelling error.

TTotG:   What about the scribal error?

Dwayne Green:  To understand how Dr. Combs came to the ‘scribal error’ conclusion we must first realize that he is looking at P52 from a TR perspective. If you take a look at the the following image, the line being shown reads ΡΙΟΝΟΠ. Dr. Combs understands the Π at the end of this line to be the first letter of the word ΠΑΛΙΝ. This is the underlying assumption that allows him to conclude that the omicron “was misplaced and put in front of the word instead of behind it”. Remember, the way the TR renders this passage is: “Εισηλθεν ουν εις το πραιτωριον παλιν ο Πιλατος”. So in order for Dr. Combs to justify the TR reading in P52 he must move the article Ο in front of ΠΑΛΙΝ in order to call it a scribal error. For Dr. combs P52 in the lacunose area should read ΡΙΟΝΟΠΑΛΙΝΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ (the red text represents a reconstruction of the lacunose area), but is this reconstruction plausible? Below I have provided three hurdles for Dr. Combs theory.

Hurdle 1: Grammar

Proper nouns such as ΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ are more often then not preceded by the article. However the word ΠΑΛΙΝ being an adverb virtually never has the article before it. A quick search in Logos Bible software results in 142 instance of ΠΑΛΙΝ in the Textus Receptus (presumably Scriveners edition) so I spot checked about 30 random instances and in no case does the article precede ΠΑΛΙΝ. Now Dr. Combs may understand this which is why he called it a ‘scribal error’, but the contention here is that the article Ο followed by Πιλατος would not only be the natural reading, but statistically based on the grammar, would be the more certain reading. Especially when we do not have a conclusion in search of the evidence.

Hurdle 2: Extant Textual Variants

Coming back to Dr. Combs' statement, his explanation is that P52 places the Ο before ΠΑΛΙΝ rather than ΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ resulting in the reading εις το πραιτωριον ο παλιν Πιλατος. This results in a textual variant that does not exist in any of the major collations. There’s plenty of support for the rendering of John 18:33 as found in the TR, such as Aleph, A, C2, B, and P60 among others; the complete omission of ΠΑΛΙΝ both before εις το πραιτωριον and after is witnessed by at least two manuscripts according to Swanson: Cc and 33. Codex N and Codex Ψ comes the closest to Dr. Combs' suggestion with the reading ο Πιλατος Παλιν, but even in its closeness, it leaves his ‘scribal error’ theory wanting.

Given the current textual variants among our extant manuscripts it appears that the reading that Dr. Combs wants P52 to be DOES NOT EXIST. Put another way, in order for his theory to fit he must invent a brand new, never before seen textual variant.

Hurdle 3: A Perfect Match to the Critical Editions.

When you compare a reconstruction of the text of P52 with the Critical editions of the Greek New Testament, we find that it is essentially (minus the 2 spelling variants mentioned above) a match with the extant areas of the manuscript. Consider the image below, the highlighted characters represent where the critical editions match with P52. It is essentially Identical. We do not need to come up with convoluted reasons to make something else work. It just fits.

TTotG:  Any other observations about P52?

Dwayne Green:  There is one more matter that is worthy of our attention, although we do not consider it  a ‘hurdle’. That is the question of weather a reconstruction based on character counts per line can give us any helpful details to Dr. Combs claim. Can it make room for ΠΑΛΙΝ on the same line as ΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ or does it favor ΠΑΛΙΝ on the previous line. The short answer is that this methodology is inconclusive. There is tremendous debate surrounding the question of nomina sacra. Does the reconstruction of the name Ιησου in the second line and Ιησουν at the end of the fifth line appear in full form, or in nomina sacra? If we assume for the sake of Dr. Combs argument that the nomina sacra is employed here, it merely allows for the possibility that ΠΑΛΙΝ could fit, but its not decisive as it could still also fit in the line above it where the Critical texts presumes it would fit.

If on the other hand, it turns out that “Jesus” is written out in full form this would further demonstrate that ΠΑΛΙΝ could not be moved and share the same line as ΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ because removing it from its current place would drop the character count for that line far below the other lines represented by the manuscript. Of course, this makes a number of assumptions that must be made in the reconstruction to make sense of it and not everyone is convinced that this is a worthwhile endeavor.

So essentially, as far as Dr. Combs theory is concerned and the application of reconstructing the lacunose area based on character counts, is dead in the water. It does not help us either way.

Conclusion

It is indeed a weird flex to invent a never before seen textual variant in order to substantiate the claim that P52 supports the TR; especially when all signs point to an exact match of the WH and the NA28 text. Add in the fact that grammatically speaking, the article often precedes proper nouns and not usually adverbs which only piles on to the arguments against this wishful thinking.

At the end of Dr. Combs brief analysis of P52 he states rather emphatically “Besides that, it is a perfect match to the Textus Receptus”. I can’t help but hear “Besides the differences from the TR, its a perfect match to the TR”. As a Byzantine Prioritist myself, it would be exceptionally welcomed to see a byzantine reading among the earliest manuscript, but we should also be careful not to make manuscripts say more than they do in an effort to impose our own conclusions on the evidence. We are not part of the “Oldest is best” club, and fortunately our New Testament text rests on much more than a small scrap of papyrus found in the Egyptian desert.

TTotG:  Thanks for sharing your thoughts, Dwayne.







 



Friday, September 9, 2022

How We Got the New Testament (in 22 minutes)

           A new video that I've prepared is at YouTube:  How We Got the New Testament.  It's  a slide-show presentation that covers the basics of the history of the transmission of the books of the New Testament from their initial distribution to the present day.  Viewers are introduced to papyrus copies, parchment copies, majuscule (uncial) script, and minuscule script.  They are also informed of a few developments the New Testament went through in the Middle Ages.   

          Pages of Codex Sinaiticus, Codex Alexandrinus, Codex Bezae. and Codex Cyprius are shown, and early versions are also featured, such as the Vulgate and the Peshitta.   Viewers are then informed of a few developments the New Testament text went through in the Middle Ages, such as the recycling of parchment, and illumination.

Tyndale at the stake
         When a person asks, "How did we get the New Testament?" the identity of the "we" affects the answer.  After all, some people-groups still don't have the New Testament in their native language.  After the first nine minutes, the focus is on how the English-speaking church got the New Testament.  Viewers are briefly introduced to Lorenzo Valla, Desiderius Erasmus, William Tyndale, and other individuals from the Renaissance and Reformation era.   Early English versions are described, up to and including the King James Version, before the era of modern textual criticism is covered:  the contributions of Bengel, Griesbach, Scholz, Tregelles, Tischendorf, and Westcott and Hort are briefly described.


          The last five minutes focus on the spread of the New Testament in what is (for better or worse) English as it is spoken today. and developments subsequent to Westcott and Hort (such as the papyrus discoveries at Oxyrhynchus.  

        How We Got the New Testament is suitable for church-viewing and Bible-study groups.  







    

Wednesday, September 25, 2019

Luke 11:33 - Don't Put Your Light Under a Bushel

            When someone asks, “What’s a text-critically interesting verse in the Gospels?” the typical answer is not likely to be “Luke 11:33.”  The differences between the meanings of the rival variants in this verse are not very consequential:  basically, some manuscripts have the phrase, οὐδὲ ὑπὸ τὸν μόδιον, that is, “or under a bushel-basket,” and some do not; also, near the end of the verse, in some Greek manuscripts the Greek word rendered “light” in English is φῶς, while in other manuscripts, it is φέγγος. 
            Yet it is probably safe to say that Luke 11:33 is a strong contender for the title “Verse Most Likely to Be Changed from One Critical Edition to Another.”  Here is how some recent Greek compilations have treated Luke 11:33:
            ● Nestle-Aland NTG 27:  brackets οὐδὲ ὑπὸ τὸν μόδιον and adopts φῶς.
            ● Robinson-Pierpont 2005:  includes οὐδὲ ὑπὸ τὸν μόδιον and adopts φέγγος.
            ● SBLGNT 2011:  includes οὐδὲ ὑπὸ τὸν μόδιον and adopts φέγγος.
            ● Tyndale House GNT 2017:  does not include οὐδὲ ὑπὸ τὸν μόδιον and adopts φῶς.      
           
            The vast majority of Greek manuscripts, including the two flagship representatives of the Alexandrian Text, Vaticanus (B) and Sinaiticus (ℵ), and the best Greek representative of the Western Text, Codex D, support the inclusion of οὐδὲ ὑπὸ τὸν μόδιον.  Exploring the evidence more closely, we see that ℵ A B C D K M W X Δ Θ Π Ψ and the Curetonian Syriac, the Peshitta, the Bohairic, and all Latin witnesses, are allies of the Byzantine Text; they all support the inclusion of οὐδὲ ὑπὸ τὸν μόδιον.  (The Gothic version, alas, is not extant for this part of Luke.)
 
Luke 11:33: at the end of col. 1
and the start of col. 2.
         
The main witnesses for non-inclusion are Papyrus 45, Papyrus 75, L (019), Γ (036), Ξ (040), 070 (Greek-Coptic), 700*, 1241, family 1, 69, 118, and 788, and the Sinaitic Syriac, the Sahidic version, and the Armenian and Georgian versions.  While this array of witnesses may appear negligible in terms of quantity when set alongside the mountains of witnesses which favor the other reading, the age and diversity of its members are interesting:  P45 and P75 are the earliest manuscripts of this part of Luke, and the Alexandrian (P75, L, Sahidic), Western (Sinaitic Syriac) and Caesarean (f1, Armenian) forms of the text are represented.                 
            Let’s examine the text nearby in search of similar arrays of variants supporting shorter readings.   

(1)  In Luke 11:11, P45, P75, and B, 1241, and the Armenian version, along with the Sinaitic Syriac, support the non-inclusion of ἄρτον μὴ λίθον ἐπιδώσει αὐτῷ; ἣ καὶ ἰχθύν, which has very abundant support, with some slight variations, in A C D (which, with 124, adds αἰτήσει after ἰχθύν) F G Y K M U W X Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f1 f13 1 1582* 1424 (in ℵ, L, 28, 157, and 700, ἄρτον μὴ λίθον ἐπιδώσει αὐτῷ; ἣ ἰχθύν, lacking the καὶ) – “bread, will he give to him a stone? And if a fish.” 
            The minuscules 69 and 788 (along with 565) do not include the second part of the verse, that is, they have ἄρτον μὴ λίθον ἐπιδώσει αὐτῷ but not the rest of the verse, as if they echo an ancestor-manuscript in which the copyist’s line of sight drifted from this occurrence of ἐπιδώσει αὐτῷ to the recurrence of the same words at the end of the verse, skipping the words in between.
            Upon comparing the witnesses for the main shorter reading in 11:11 and 11:33, we see that several of them are the same:  P45, P75, 1241, Sinaitic Syriac, Sahidic, Armenian.  And a couple of witnesses for the other shorter reading in 11:33 (69 788) also support the shorter reading in 11:33.
            It should not be overlooked that 157 omits all of 11:12, and 579 omits everything before μὴ.  Also in 11:12, where the normal reading is ᾠόν (egg), P45 reads ἄρτον (bread).

(2)  In Luke 11:14, P45 P75 ℵ B A* L 1 33 157 788 1241 1582* Sinaitic Syriac and the Armenian version are among the group of witnesses that support the non-inclusion of καὶ αὐτὸ ἧν (and it was).

(3)  In Luke 11:44, P45 P75 ℵ B C L 33 f1 157 579 and the Sinaitic Syriac, Curetonian Syriac, and the Armenian, Georgian, and Sahidic versions do not include γραμματεις καὶ Φαρισαιοι, υποκριταί (Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites).  Most manuscripts (such as A K M Γ Δ Θ Π Ψ 69 157 565 579 700 788) include the words, but D omits υποκριταί.

(4)  At the end of Luke 11:48, P75 ℵ B D L 579 do not include αυτων τα μνημεια (“their tombs”).  Family 1 and 157 read instead τους τάφους αυτων.  (P45 is not extant for this verse.)

(5)  In Luke 11:53:
            P75 reads Κακειθεν εξελθόντες αυτου
            ℵ B C L 33 69 579 788 1241 read Κακειθεν εξελθόντος αυτου
            P45 reads Κακειθεν εξελθόντος (apparently without αυτου); Willker mentions that the manuscript is damaged but space-considerations rule out the inclusion of αυτου.
            A K M Π W Γ Δ Ψ f1 565 read Λέγοντος δε ταυτα προς αυτους, which is supported by most manuscripts. 
            D Θ 157 agree with A but continue with ενωπιον παντος του λαου; this reading has considerable Old Latin and Armenian support; especially interesting is that this reading is also supported by the Curetonian Syriac and the Sinaitic Syriac. 
            Meanwhile 69 and 788 simply read Και before ηρξαντο.

(6) and (7)  In Luke 11:54:
            P45 P75 B L f1 579, with Coptic support, begin the verse with ενεδρεύοντες αυτον before θηρευσαι.
            ℵ begins the verse with ενεδρεύοντες before θηρευσαι.
            Most manuscripts, including C K Π M  f1 157 565 700, with support from the Vulgate and the Peshitta, read ενεδρεύοντες αυτον ζητουντες at the beginning of the verse, and read ινα κατηγορήσωσιν αυτου at the end of the verse.  A W* Δ f13 differ only slightly at the end of the verse, reading ινα κατηγορήσουσιν αυτου. 
            D’s text is quite different:  ζητουντες αφορην τινα λαβειν αυτου ινα ευρωσιν κατηγορησαι αυτου.  This is supported by the Sinaitic Syriac and Curetonian Syriac, and is imperfectly supported by the Old Latin.
            Θ reads ενεδρεύοντες before τι θηρευσαι at the beginning of the verse; it agrees with most manuscripts at the end of the verse.

            Without attempting to offer a full analysis of all seven of these textual contests here, I offer brief explanations vindicating the longer reading in six cases:

(1)  In Luke 11:11, the shorter reading originated when a copyist skipped a line of text but nevertheless produced a coherent sentence; the reading of P45 in verse 12 (ἄρτον instead of ᾠόν) is a vestige of the scribe’s recollection of the original longer reading.  Harmonization to Matthew 7:9 was limited to the addition of αυτου after υιος mainly in Caesarean witnesses.

(2)  In Luke 11:14, the shorter reading in P45 P75 ℵ B 1241 et al is a slight stylistic refinement; as Metzger noted, καὶ αὐτὸ ἧν  κωφόν “appears to be a Semitism in the Lukan style.  The chance seems low that a scribe would sense a need to shift from “He was casting out a dumb demon” to “He was casting out a demon and it was dumb,” and happen to fit Lukan style.  

(3)  In Luke 11:44, the shorter rreading – that is, the removal of the explicit identification of the scribes and Pharisees – originated when a scribe wondered why the lawyers would feel that they were being criticized by a rebuke specifically aimed at others. 

(4)  At the end of Luke 11:48, the Byzantine reading makes explicit what is implied without an object.  Family 1 and family 13 do likewise, but their wording is different.  The shorter reading here is original. 

(5)  In Luke 11:53, the Alexandrian Text has non-Lukan wording; κακειθεν appears only here in Luke, and εξελθόντος appears elsewhere in Luke only in 11:14 (contested by εκβληθέντος in A C L f13 69) where a demon’s departure is being described.  Willker suggests that the Byzantine reading was introduced because it avoids raising the question of where was the “there;” the exact location being unmentioned in the lection that begins at 11:47.  However, the Byzantine reading raises a question of its own, that is, who is the “them” – for at 11:46, Jesus begins criticizing not the scribes and Pharisees, but the specialists in the Law.  The Alexandrian way around this problem was to rewrite the introductory phrase, which happens to correspond to the beginning of Mark 9:30.
            The Western Text’s inclusion of ενωπιον παντος του λαου echoes Luke 8:47; this reading must be extremely early (as demonstrated by support from the Sinaitic Syriac and Old Latin Codex Vercellensis), and shows that some copyists had a tendency to expand later parts of the Gospel with verbiage taken from earlier parts.     
           
(6)  In Luke 11:54a:  the shorter reading originated when an early copyist’s line of sight drifted from the letters –οντες in ενεδρεύοντες to the same letters in ζητουντες.  In most copies descended from the exemplar that contained this mistake, it is partly corrected (via the addition of αυτον – but 28 and 1424 read instead αυτω) but not in ℵ and Θ.

(7)  In Luke 11:54b, the shorter reading originated when an early copyist’s line of sight drifted from the αυτου after στόματος to the same word after κατηγορήσωσιν, accidentally skipping the words in between.
            The inclusion of ευρωσιν in D’s text here is interesting; D thus echoes (albeit inexactly) the end of Luke 6:7.  This again illustrates some scribe’s tendency to expand later parts of a book by introducing elements they had encountered in earlier parts.

 
Luke 11:33 in GA 1241.
          
Having reviewed the above seven textual contests, and  having seen that in six out of the seven, the longer reading is reasonably defensible, we return now to Luke 11:33.  This is Luke’s record of a saying of Jesus very similar to the one in Matthew 5:15, where the μόδιον is mentioned; a closer parallel, however, is in Luke 8:16, where the reference is to hiding the lamp under a σκεύει (“vessel”), rather than a μόδιον (bushel-basket).  In 28 there is a clear attempt to conform 11:33 to Luke 8:16; minuscule 28 reads καλυπτει αυτον σκεύει η before εις κρύπτον.  In 579, the text is conformed to Matthew 5:15 toward the end, reading και λάμπει πασιν τοις εν τη οικια.  And in 118 f13 69 788, at the end of the verse, the words are transposed so as to correspond to the end of Luke 8:16.   
            In short, except for minuscule 28, the harmonizations that appear in Luke 11:33 look like they have been based on Luke 8:16, not Matthew 5:15.  If a copyist were to introduce “under the bushel-basket” into a form of Luke 11:33 that did not have the phrase, the natural place to put it would be before the reference to putting the lamp in a secret place, thus corresponding to the gist of Mark 4:21 and the gist of Luke 8:16; I mean that in both Mark 4:21 and Luke 8:16, the reference to the lamp being covered precedes whatever else is said.
            If οὐδὲ ὑπὸ τὸν μόδιον is not a partial harmonization to Matthew 5:15, it is original – in which case, how does one account for its absence in P45 P75 L 788 et al, while also accounting for its presence in ℵ B A C D K Π W?  There are two factors which do this:  (1)  Scribes’ recollection of Luke 8:16, in which τίθησιν is followed immediately by αλλ’ επι λυχνίας.  (2)  A simple homoioteleuton error.  Single-letter homoioteleuton is rare but it does sometimes happen:  all that is needed for οὐδὲ ὑπὸ τὸν μόδιον to disappear is for a scribe’s line of sight to drift from the ν at the end of τιθησιν to the ν at the end of μόδιον.  Adding to the ease of such an occurrence is that the scribe would have written τίθησιν αλλ’ επι λυχνίας  (or, τίθησιν αλλ’ επι λυχνίαν) a few chapters earlier.  

            There is still the other variant-unit in Luke 11:33 to consider:  φως or φέγγος?  Φως looks like a harmonization to Luke 8:16, especially in 118 f13 69 788.  Φέγγος is the rarer word, and considering the presence of φως in the parallel-passages, there would be little impetus to replace φως with φέγγος; meanwhile familiarity with Luke 8:16 would tend to elicit a harmonization from φέγγος to φως.  The reading of P45, φέγγος, should be adopted.  Here we have an ancient reading which is not Alexandrian (for P75 ℵ B 33 read φως) nor Western (for D also reads φως) nor Caesarean (for freads φως and f13 also reads φως, transposed).  The Byzantine Text, and the Byzantine Text alone (but with support from the back-up team of L, Γ, 124, 565 and 700), besides the usual Byzantine witnesses Α Κ Μ W Δ Λ Π etc,, displays the original reading here, defying the theory that it is merely an amalgamation of the other text-forms, and supporting the theory that the Byzantine Text contains a stratum of ancient and independent readings. 



Readers are invited to double-check the data in this post.

Tuesday, April 30, 2019

Holes in Hort's Case Against the Byzantine Text


            In Hort’s 1881 Introduction, he proposed that the Syrian (Byzantine) Text is derivative of the Alexandrian and Western text-types.  He based his argument partly on conflations – an argument which I addressed earlier this month – and partly on the observation that Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Tertullian, Cyprian, Methodius, and Eusebius of Caesarea do not support any distinctly Byzantine readings:   “Before the middle of the third century, at the very earliest,” he wrote, “we have no historical signs of the existence of readings, conflate or other, that are marked as distinctively Syrian.”  
            That statement is no longer true, thanks in part to the discovery of various papyrus copies of books of the New Testament which contain distinctly Byzantine readings.  But before we look at those readings, let’s look at a map of territory that was, at one time or another, the territory of the Roman Empire.  If we were to put a big umbrella over the headquarters of Irenaeus (Lugdunum), Hippolytus (Rome), Clement of Alexandria (Alexandria, of course), Origen (Alexandria and Caesarea), Tertullian (Carthage), Cyprian (Carthage and Rome), Methodius (Olympus, in Lycia), and Eusebius of Caesarea, and assume that all Christians under those umbrellas in the 100s-200s used a text like the text of the writer who worked in that area, does that leave any part of the Roman Empire uncovered?
Headquarters of early patristic writers,
and their vicinities.
It does.  The evidence from these writers surely has much to tell us about the text of the New Testament that circulated in the areas where those writers worked and wrote, but it would be presumptive to suppose that it can tell us much about the text elsewhere – an “elsewhere” which includes Syria, Greece, Cyprus, Crete, Dalmatia, and five-sixths of Turkey, including the destinations of all of Paul’s letters except Romans.  Even when each location is extended very far from each writer’s headquarters, the picture does not materially change.                       
A second thing to consider:  the extent to which a specific writer quotes from a specific book.  Clement of Alexandria, for example, hardly quotes the Gospel of Mark at all, except from the tenth chapter.  And according to a simple check of the Scripture-index in Vol. 6 of the Ante-Nicene Fathers, Methodius, the least famous member of this group of writers, uses Acts twice.  Who can say with confidence that two quotations, both from the 28th chapter of a 28-chapter book, can show us that Methodius’ copy of Acts did not have a Byzantine character? 
Headquarters of early patristic writers,
and their vicinities' vicinities.
Similarly, Methodius uses Mark four times.  Who can say that four quotations from Mark’s 16 chapters demonstrate that Methodius’ text of Mark did not have a Byzantine character?   Methodius does not quote from 13 of Matthew’s 28 chapters; he does not quote from 15 of Luke’s 24 chapters, and he does not quote from nine of John’s 21 chapters – and his quotations from chapters 2, 4, 9, 10, 12. and 16 are limited to a verse each.  And (still relying on the ANF index) Methodius quotes from the General Epistles a total of seven times.  Who wants to establish from seven assorted verses (most from First Peter) a picture of the character of a 22-chapter segment of the text?
This is not to say that the evidence from each of the other writers is as sporadic as it is in the case of Methodius.  But when assessing the significance of the non-use of Byzantine readings by an author, one should first establish the extent of the author’s quotations, and their precision. 
A third thing to consider when asking how much this evidence can tell us:  after an inventory has been made of a patristic writer’s clear utilizations of New Testament passages, how much of that is capable of displaying Byzantine or non-Byzantine character?  For instance, Methodius uses John 1:18 near the beginning of his composition On Free Will, and one might hope to find there some evidence of whether his manuscripts read “Son” or “God” in that verse, but he only speaks allusively about raising a hymn to the holy Father, “glorifying in the Spirit Jesus, who is in His bosom.”   If one were to pick at random a verse from the Gospels, Acts, or an Epistle, chances are less than 50% that the Byzantine form of the verse is recognizably different from the Western and Alexandrian forms.  (That is my general impression.)  Where the text-types agree, even a clear quotation does not point to a specific form of the text.
Evidence of absence?
Or an absence of evidence?
A fourth thing to consider, when asking how much this evidence can tell us, has to do with the limitations of Latin:  is a specific quotation that has been preserved in Latin capable of displaying a Byzantine reading in a form discernible from an Alexandrian or Western rival?  Irenaeus’ work is mainly preserved in Latin.  Tertullian and Cyprian wrote in Latin.  When the difference between the Byzantine and Alexandrian and/or Western rivals is deep and wide, surely the answer is “Yes,” but when things are more nuanced – involving orthography, or the presence of an article, or a matter of word-order – not so much. 
            And there is a fifth factor to consider:  the diversity of readings that have been called Alexandrian or Western.  When Irenaeus or Hippolytus or Clement of Alexandria or Origen or Tertullian or Cyprian or Methodius or Eusebius clearly utilizes an identifiable passage in the Gospels, and uses a reading that agrees with Byz and disagrees with B and D, does Hort conclude that the writer has used a distinctively Byzantine reading?  Not so fast!  For a reading to be distinctively Byzantine, it has to not only be unique from the readings in the major Greek representatives of the Alexandrian and Western text-types, but their minor representatives as well.    
Thus a lot depends on what the allies of Byzantine readings happen to be.  For example, Tertullian (in On Baptism, ch. 5) supports the inclusion of John 5:3-4.  This reading is not supported by Sinaiticus, B, or D.  But because it is supported by several Old Latin copies, it is counted as a Western reading.  In addition, Sinaiticus and Vaticanus frequently disagree with one another, but at points where one of them agrees with the Byzantine Text, that particular reading is struck from the list of distinctively Byzantine readings.  Because of the textual diversity of the Old Latin text(s), and the incessant disagreement of the major Alexandrian witnesses, the Byzantine readings are told, “Be completely unique, or else you are either a Western reading or an Alexandrian reading” and thus have their work cut out for them.  If one reading were considered the Western reading, and one reading were considered the Alexandrian reading, then Byzantine readings would often have ancient allies.

So:  while this part of Hort’s basis for positing that the Byzantine Text is relatively late might initially look like a simple matter of sifting through patristic writings and noticing that eight ante-Nicene writers never use distinctively Byzantine readings, it is not really so simple.  Hort’s approach raises four questions:

            (1)  Territory:  Do these eight writers adequately represent the whole territory of Christendom in the 100s-200s?
(2)  Abundance of Quotations:  Does each of these eight writers quote from the New Testament in sufficient abundance to facilitate meaningful comparisons of the readings in their manuscripts to the readings of different text-types?
(3)  Precision of Quotations:  Does each of these eight writers quote from the New Testament with sufficient precision to facilitate meaningful comparisons of the readings in their manuscripts to the readings of different text-types? 
(4)  Versional Limits:  In the case of Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Cyprian, is the Latin text of their writings capable of displaying variations between rival Greek readings?
(5)  Levels of Distinctiveness:  when a patristic writer appears to use a Byzantine reading, but the same reading is also found in an early witness other than Sinaiticus, Vaticanus, or Bezae, is it plausible to treat that reading as if it cannot be considered evidence for the Byzantine Text on the grounds that it is not uniquely Byzantine?

Some of these same considerations apply with similar force to the contents of early papyri.  Hort claimed that the early patristic writings show that eight early patristic writers never used distinctively Byzantine readings, but the significance of his claim shrinks and shrinks the more one considers the limits of those writers’ territory, the limits of the extent of their quotations, and the limits of the precision of their quotations.  Similarly, to the extent that the provenance of our papyri can be established, they represent one particular locale (Egypt), and most of them are very fragmentary.  Yet even with these limits, they contain some readings which agree with the Byzantine Text, and disagree with the Alexandrian and Western readings as found in Sinaiticus, Vaticanus, and Bezae.   Such readings should not exist in a world in which uniquely Byzantine readings are all the result of a Lucianic recension, as Hort proposed.         
            Hort simply could not write today what he wrote about unique Byzantine readings in 1881 – at least, not without exposing his approach as biased against the Byzantine Text.  The papyri agree with the Byzantine Text dozens of times against Alexandrian and Western rivals.  If one were to argue that these are not distinctively Byzantine readings (and thus not evidence of the early existence of the Byzantine Text) because they were found embedded in non-Byzantine texts, then one would have to face the question:  if the existence of early Byzantine readings do not demonstrate that the Byzantine Text is early (at least regarding the books in which the readings occur), then how can the early Byzantine Text be shown to exist?
            To reframe the problem:  if a Greek patristic writer in 230 quoted from Mark 5:42, 6:2, 6:45, 6:48, 6:50, 7:12, 7:30, 7:31, 7:32, 7:35, and 7:36, and in each case, he used a Byzantine reading that is not supported by Sinaiticus or Vaticanus or Bezae, Hort would have a hard time proving that this is not evidence that that writer used the Byzantine Text.  Yet Papyrus 45 has such readings. 
            If one argues that that these distinctively Byzantine readings in Papyrus 45 do not mean that the Byzantine Text of Mark is early, then one is essentially admitting that Hort’s parameters really mean nothing:  he argued that the absence of distinctively Byzantine readings are evidence that the Byzantine Text is late, but you would be saying that even the presence of distinctively Byzantine readings proves nothing about the Byzantine Text (except the obvious point that some early distinctively Byzantine readings are not the result of a Lucianic recension, which is no small point).  But whoever would go that far, and still adhere to Hort’s transmission-model (even after admitting that at least some distinctively Byzantine readings are not the result of a Lucianic recension), would implicitly submit that there is only one way to show that the Byzantine Text is early:  for an early Byzantine manuscript (made before 300) to exist.  
            Only the climate in Egypt is conducive to the preservation of papyrus, so this sets a special hurdle for the Byzantine Text to surmount:  if a manuscript with a thoroughly Byzantine form of the text were made in the 100s-200s, anywhere in Syria, Cilicia, Asia, Cappadocia, Pontus, Bithynia, Thrace, Cyprus, Crete, Achaia, Epirus, Macedonia, or Dalmatia, it could not survive unless it somehow traveled to Egypt.

       



Saturday, April 27, 2019

Conflations (Part 2)


            Today we continue our consideration of conflations.
            Without Hort’s use of conflations as evidence that the Byzantine Text is derivative of the Alexandrian and Western text-types in his 1881 Introduction, he would have had a much harder time making a case for the overthrow of the Textus Receptus.  As we saw in Part 1, three of the eight examples of conflation presented by Hort are not necessarily actual conflations; the longer reading in Mark 6:33, Luke 9:10, and Luke 24:53 is capable of plausibly accounting for the origin of its shorter rivals.  
            What about the remaining five – found in Mark 8:26, Mark 9:38, Mark 9:49, Luke 11:54, and Luke 12:18?  As an exercise, let’s consider Luke 12:18: 
            B:  τὸν σειτον καὶ τὰ ἀγαθά μου
            P75*:  τὸν σιτον μου καὶ τὰ ἀγαθά μου
            P75c Àc L f1 157:  τὸν σιτον καὶ τὰ ἀγαθά μου 
            579:  τὸν σιτον καὶ τὰ ἀγαθά μου
            À* D 435 Old Latin:  τὰ γενήματά μου
            39 and other Old Latin:  τοὺς καρπούς μου
            346:  τὸν σιτον μου καὶ τὰ γενήματα μου
            Byz:  τὰ γενήματα μου καὶ τὰ ἀγαθά μου
 
            It should be immediately obvious the first Western reading (read by À* D) is accounted for by the Byzantine Reading: from τὰ γενήματα μου καὶ τὰ ἀγαθά μου, the route to τὰ γενήματά μου is simple:  a parableptic drift from the first τὰ to the second τὰ.  The Alexandrian reading as attested in B P75c Àc L f1 157 and 579 is accounted for in another way:  as a slight stylistic refinement, replacing τὰ γενήματα μου with τὸν σιτον μου (as in P75*) or τὸν σιτον.  It should be noticed that the copyist of P75 first wrote τὸν σιτον μου before the μου was removed.
            As for the reading in minuscule 39, supported by some Old Latin copies, this is a typical Western simplification-via-harmonization, using verbiage from the preceding verse. 
            Thus once again, while Hort’s theory that the Byzantine reading is the result of the creativity of a scribe who had two exemplar with two rival readings – one Alexandrian, one Western – cannot be refuted, neither can the theory that the Alexandrian and Western readings emerged from the Byzantine reading.
            But while Hort’s theory cannot be refuted, is it as plausible as the alternative scenario in which the Byzantine reading is original?  If a scribe had one manuscript that read τὰ γενήματά μου (my produce) and another manuscript that read τὸν σιτον μου καὶ τὰ ἀγαθά μου (my wheat and my goods), and the scribe wanted to combine them so as to preserve them both readings, the resultant collision would mention (1) wheat, (2) produce, and (3) goods.  But somewhere along the line, Hort’s scribe must have forgotten that he was attempting to preserve both readings; he could have simply written two sentences or clauses – “I will store there all my wheat; I will store  there all my produce and goods” – but he did not.  Hort’s proposal seems more complicated, and less plausible, than the explanation that the Byzantine reading here is original, and its Western rival is the result of an accidental omission, and its Alexandrian rival, the result of a stylistic introduction of τὸν σιτον in place of τὰ γενήματα.    

             Suppose, however, that Hort’s theory is true in all eight examples of conflation that he provided.  (Suppose, too, that the Byzantine readings in Matthew 26:70, John 10:31 and John 18:40 are added to the list.)
            This would not imply that the Byzantine Text is derivative of the Alexandrian and Western Text.  If we were to picture a conflation as the collision of two cars that became intertwined in the wreck, then it need not imply anything more than that one car was a short reading that agreed with either the Alexandrian or Western Text before it collided with its rival reading (in either an Alexandrian, or Western, exemplar) and, thus combined, became a longer reading.    
            To rephrase this as a question:  as Hort presents the rival shorter readings, why should either reading be considered exclusively Alexandrian, or exclusively Western?  If it is an early Byzantine reading, then the longer reading that supplants it is merely an example of mixture, and instead of looking at the effects of a deliberate revision or recension when we look at conflations, we are looking at sporadic accidents – the incidental effects of one form of the text driving into a locale where another form is dominant. 
            There is thus nothing about conflations that moves forward Hort’s theory of a Lucianic recension.  Plausible alternative explanations of the evidence exist, in which the Byzantine reading accounts for its truncated rivals; in addition, there is no reason to assume, if any of Hort’s eight conflations are indeed conflations of earlier readings, that neither component-reading already existed in an early form of the Byzantine Text.
           
            But if Hort’s argument from conflations does not imply that the Byzantine Text is posterior to the Alexandrian and Western text-types, what about his next point, specifically, that the non-use of distinctly Byzantine readings by patristic writers before the 300s implies that the Byzantine Text did not exist until then?  We shall, God willing, look into that claim soon.
            First, however, let’s briefly test Hort’s claim that conflations are a special characteristic of the Byzantine Text:  “We do not know of any places,” Hort wrote, “where the α group of documents [i.e., Codex B and its allies] supports readings apparently conflate from the readings of the β and δ groups [i.e., Western and Byzantine] respectively, or where the β group of documents [Western representatives] supports readings apparently conflate from the readings of the α and δ groups respectively.” 
            While this might seem to mean that representatives of the Alexandrian and Western text-types do not have conflations, that is not what it means.  It only means that conflations of Western and Byzantine readings are not detectable in the Alexandrian Text, and that conflations of Alexandrian and Byzantine readings are not detectable in the Western Text.  But consider the following:

Matthew 3:12
            Byz:  και συνάξει τον σιτὸν αυτου εις την αποθήκην
            L 157:  και συνάξει τον σιτὸν εις την αποθήκην αυτου
            B:  και συνάξει τον σειτὸν αυτου εις την αποθήκην αυτου
            Here the reading in Vaticanus (B) looks like a combination of the Byzantine reading (with αυτου after σιτὸν) and the reading in L (with αυτου after αποθήκην) – as if a copyist had one exemplar which read “and shall gather his wheat into the barn,” and another exemplar read “and shall gather the wheat into his barn,” and the scribe combined them so as to read, “and shall gather his wheat into his barn.”

Matthew 24:38
            Byz:   εν ταις ημέραις ταις προ του κατακλυσμου
            D:  εν ταις ημέραις εκείναις προ του κατακλυσμου
            B:  εν ταις ημέραις εκείναις ταις προ του κατακλυσμου
            Here the reading in B looks like a combination of the Byzantine reading (without εκείναις) and the reading in D (without ταις) – as if a copyist had one exemplar which read “in the days which were before the flood,” and another exemplar read “in those days before the flood,” and the scribe combined them so as to read, “in those days which were before the flood.”

Matthew 26:22
            Byz:  εκαστος αυτων
            B À L:  εις εκαστος
            D Θ:  εις εκαστος αυτων
            Here the reading in D looks like a combination of the Byzantine reading (without εις) and the reading in B (without αυτων) – as if a copyist had one exemplar which read “each of them,” and another examplar which read “each one,” and the scribe combined them so as to read, “each one of them.”    

Mark 1:28
            Byz:  ευθυς    
            W 579:  πανταχου      
            B C:  ευθυς πανταχου
            Here the reading in B looks like a combination of the Byzantine reading and the reading in Codex W – as if a copyist had one exemplar which read “immediately,” and another exemplar which read “everywhere,” and the scribe combined them so as to read “immediately everywhere.”  [Codex W was not discovered until after Hort wrote.]

John 13:24
            Byz:  Σίμων Πέτρος πύθεσθαι τίς αν ειη περι ου λέγει.
            D:   Σίμων Πέτρους πύθεσθαι τίς αν ειη ουτος περι ου λέγει.
            B C L 33:  Σίμων Πέτρος και λέγει αυτω Ειπε τίς εστιν περι ου λέγει.
            À:  Σίμων Πέτρος πύθεσθαι τίς αν ειη περι ου ελεγεν και λέγει αυτω Ειπε τίς εστιν περι ου λέγει.
            Here the reading in À looks like a combination of the Byzantine reading (not, it should be observed, the Western reading in D, for D’s ουτος is nowhere to be found in À here) and the reading in Codex B – as if a copyist had one exemplar which said that Simon Peter gestured to the beloved disciple to ask who it might be of whom He was speaking, and another exemplar which said that Simon Peter gestured to the beloved disciple and told him to say who it was of whom He was speaking, and the scribe combined both readings, so as to write that Simon Peter gestured to the beloved disciple to ask who it might be of whom He was speaking, and told him to say who it was of whom He was speaking.

John 16:4
            Byz:  ινα οταν ελθη η ωρα μνημονεύητε αυτων
            L:   ινα εαν ελθη η ωρα αυτων μνημονεύητε
            B 157:  ινα οταν ελθη η ωρα αυτων μνημονεύητε αυτων
            Here the reading in B looks like a combination of the Byzantine reading and the reading in Codex L – as if a copyist had one exemplar which read “that when the hour may come you shall remember them,” and another exemplar which read “that when their hour may come you shall remember,” and the scribe combined them so as to read, “that when their hour may come you shall remember them.”

Ephesians 2:5
            Byz:  και οντας ημας νεκρους τοις παραπτωμασιν
            D:  και οντας ημας νεκρους ταις αμαρτιαις
            B:  και οντας ημας νεκρους εν τοις παραπτωμασιν και ταις αμαρτιαις
            Here the reading in B looks like a combination of the Byzantine reading and the reading in D – as if a copyist had one exemplar which read, “and we who were dead in trespasses,” and another exemplar which read, “and we who were dead in sins,” and the scribe combined them so as to read, “and we who were dead in trespasses and sins.”

Colossians 1:12
            Byz:  ικανώσαντι  
            D:  καλεσαντι  
            B:  καλεσαντι και ικανώσαντι  
            Here the reading in B looks like a combination of the Byzantine reading and the reading in D – as if a copyist had one exemplar which read, “qualified” and one exemplar which read, “summoned,” and the scribe combined them so as to read, “qualified and summoned.”

Second Thessalonians 3:4
            Byz:  και ποιειτε και ποιησετε
            F G:  και εποιησατε και ποιειτε
            B Sah:  και εποιησατε και ποιειτε και ποιησετε
            Here the reading in B (supported by the Sahidic version) looks like a combination of the Byzantine reading and the reading in F and G – as if a copyist had one exemplar which read, “and you are doing and will do,” and another exemplar which read, “and you did and are doing,” and the scribe combined them so as to read, “and you did and are doing and will do.    

Jude v. 3
            Byz:  της κοινης σωτηρίας
            B P72 1739:  της κοινης ημων σωτηρίας
            6 1881:  της κοινης υμων σωτηρίας
            1611 2138:  της κοινης ημων ζωης
            1505:  της κοινης υμων ζωης
            À 044:  της κοινης ημων σωτηρίας και ζωης
            Here the reading of À looks like a combination of the reading of B (and most non-Byzantine MSS, with ημων) and the reading of the Harklean Group – as if a copyist had one exemplar which read, “pertaining to our common salvation,” and another examplar which read, “pertaining to our common life,” and the scribe combined them so as to read, “pertaining to our common salvation and life.”

            So:  do apparent conflations mean that the text-type in which they are embedded is late?  No.  They do not, for three reasons:
(1)  Some apparent conflations may be cases where an original longer reading has been shortened by scribes in two different ways. 
(2)  In other cases, they may be merely combinations of a reading found in an established local text, and a reading from a manuscript representing a different, or invasive, text-type; no impetus is created for the idea that either text-type is late – only that the conflation is. 
(3)  Whatever conflations imply via their presence in the representatives of the Byzantine Text, they also imply via their presence in representatives of other text-types.  The picture is one of competing local texts existing in the second and third centuries, occasionally crashing, with the wreck-reading tending to be pushed into the Byzantine text – naturally more frequently, if its area of dominance was larger and growing – but sometimes into the Alexandrian and Western domains. 



Readers are invited to double-check the data in this post. 
Wilbur Pickering’s book The Identity of the Text of the New Testament was especially helpful when researching this post.