P52 - The Faintest and Brightest Papyrus Star (with guest Dwayne Green)

The tiny fragment Papyrus 52 has gotten an inordinate amount of attention by being perhaps the earliest written copy of any text from a book of the New Testament (from John 18:31-33 and 18:37-38).   Catalogued as Papyrus Rylands Greek 457 and brought to to public attention by Colin H. Roberts in 1935, perhaps more facsimiles have been made of it than any other New Testament papyrus (one is offered at Credo Courses for example).  Roberts' analysis placed P52 in he first half of the 100s.

There is not enough to P52 to confidently proclaim its text Alexandrian but what is extant points in that direction.  Let's take a look at its text  (bold  = extant) 

Recto: from 18:31-33)

ΟΙ ΙΟΥΔΑΙΟΙ ΗΜΕ]ΙΝ ΟΥΚ ΕΞΕΣΤΙΝ ΑΠΟΚΤΕΙΝΑΙ

ΟΥΔΕΝΑ ΙΝΑ Ο Λ]ΟΓΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΙΗΣΟΥ ΠΛΗΡΩΘΗ ΟΝ ΕΙ-
ΠΕΝ ΣΗΜΑΙΝΩ]Ν ΠΟΙΩ ΘΑΝΑΤΩ ΗΜΕΛΛΕΝ ΑΠΟ-
ΘΝΗΣΚΕΙΝ ΙΣ]ΗΛΘΕΝ ΟΥΝ ΠΑΛΙΝ ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΠΡΑΙΤΩ-
ΡΙΟΝ Ο Π]ΙΛΑΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΦΩΝΗΣΕΝ ΤΟΝ ΙΗΣΟΥΝ
ΚΑΙ ΕΙΠ]ΕΝ ΑΥΤΩ ΣΥ ΕΙ O ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΤΩΝ ΙΟΥ-
ΔΑΙΩ]N

Verso:  (18:37-38)

ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΕΙΜΙ ΕΓΩ ΕΙΣ TO[ΥΤΟ ΓΕΓΕΝΝΗΜΑΙ
ΚΑΙ ΕΛΗΛΥΘΑ ΕΙΣ ΤΟΝ ΚΟ[ΣΜΟΝ ΙΝΑ ΜΑΡΤΥ-
ΡΗΣΩ ΤΗ ΑΛΗΘΕΙΑ ΠΑΣ Ο ΩΝ [ΕΚ ΤΗΣ ΑΛΗΘΕI-
ΑΣ ΑΚΟΥΕΙ ΜΟΥ ΤΗΣ ΦΩΝΗΣ [ΛΕΓΕΙ ΑΥΤΩ
Ο ΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ ΤΙ ΕΣΤΙΝ ΑΛΗΘΕΙΑ Κ[ΑΙ ΤΟΥΤΟ
ΕΙΠΩΝ ΠΑΛΙΝ ΕΞΗΛΘΕΝ ΠΡΟΣ [ΤΟΥΣ Ι]ΟΥ-
ΔΑΙΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΛΕΓΕΙ ΑΥΤΟΙΣ ΕΓΩ ΟΥΔ[ΕΜ]ΙΑΝ
ΕΥΡΙΣΚΩ ΕΝ ΑΥΤΩ ΑΙΤΙΑΝ

As P52's Wikipedia listing says, "There appears insufficient room for the repeated phrase (ΕΙΣ ΤΟΥΤΟ) in the second line of the verso, and it is suggested that these words were inadvertently dropped through haplography."

Deviations from the Byzantine Text:

v. 31 - ημειν instead of ημιν

v. 32 - ισηλθεν instead of εισηλθεν

v. 33 - the word-order is Alexandria; παλιν preceding εις το πραιτώριον

The abundance of online material about P52 makes P104 seem neglected in comparison.  A few samples:

David Litwa Profiles P52 

Michael Marlowe Presents P52 

BiblicalTours - P52 with Dan Wallace

Recently P52 was mentioned on the Joe Rogan podcast in an interview with Wesley Huff of Apologetics Canada.  and Brent Nongbri has provided some helpful clarifications about some statements Wes made  which need improvement.  Nongbri has continued to profitably research P52.

P52 is notable for  being from a codex which was very probably a codex of only the Gospel of John. Robert's analysis supporting this is accessible online.

P52 has been featured on YouTube in simple profiles and in a 2024 lecture Steven Combs claimed that it supports the Textus Receptus.  Dwayne Green has offered some pushback in a video that can be viewed here.

TTotG:  Welcome, Dwayne Green!   Tell us:  does P52 support the Textus Receptus?

Dwayne Green

Dwayne Green:   No.   P52 does not support the Textus Receptus.  A couple weeks ago, Dr. Steven Combs under the banner of the King James Bible Research Council (KJBRC) had released a short video entitled “Textus Receptus Found in the Papyrus?”. Evidently this was clipped from a larger lecture on the Textus Receptus (TR) that was given at the KJBRC Regional Conference in 2023. Within the first 45 seconds of the short video Dr. Combs made a rather curious claim that P52, our oldest extant manuscript of the New Testament, actually supports the Received Text. In the words of Dr. Combs:

“Papyrus 52 . . . has one spelling difference and one place that I consider to be a scribal error. Because it was an omicron . . . that was misplaced and put in front of the word instead of behind it. Besides that it is a perfect match to the Textus Receptus.”

Curious indeed. It’s worth asking the questions: What spelling error is he talking about and what does he mean by ‘scribal error’ and is this really a simple mishap that would have otherwise left us with a perfect representative of the TR in our earliest papyri?

First, it’s worth noting that the TR in John 18:31-33 shares the same form alongside the Byzantine Textform, HF Majority, Antoniades, and Family 35. Though family 35 contains the textual variant εμελλεν instead of ημελλεν, however P52 is lacunose at this word and so from the perspective of this analysis, they are essentially the same. For the most part, the NA28 matches with the WH text and differs from the former group in one important way. In John 18:33, the critical editions read “Εισηλθεν ουν παλιν εις το πραιτωριον ο Πιλατος” whereas the former editions read “Εισηλθεν ουν εις το πραιτωριον παλιν ο Πιλατος”. Make a mental note of where παλιν and ο Πιλατος are in relation to each other as this will be very important later on in this analysis. Admittedly, from the perspective of our English translations, this is hardly discernible and regardless of where παλιν appears in the phrase, it has little consequence to our English understanding of how this verse is to be understood.

TTotG:  So the difference in meaning is zero - but there is an orthographic difference.  What are your thoughts about that?

Dwayne Green:  Dr. Combs claimed that P52 “has one spelling difference”. If you take a look at the image, I was able to find two spelling variants that are visible on the manuscripts itself. The first line likely reads “ΟΙΙΟΥΔΑΙΟΙΗΜΕ”. The final epsilon is not expected, rather what is expected is the third person pronoun in the dative form ΗΜΙΝ, it should be an iota instead. According to Swanson’s collations, there are no textual variants that match the final epsilon in this passage. So what’s the deal? I offer two possible explanations. 1) This is a simple case of itacism and it’s possible that the scribe had written down ΗΜΕΙΝ. This has occurred in at least one place in P66 (see John 17:21). Whether the scribe had copied what was in front of him or inserted his own unintentional variation would be impossible to determine. 2) This could be a case of a grammatical error if the scribe had written ΗΜΕΙΣ, however there are no variants elsewhere in the manuscript tradition that support this. Given these two options, itacism seems far more plausible than the grammatical error. We shall give Dr. Combs the benefit of the doubt in this case and suggest that itacism is the culprit and this is a simple spelling variation rather than a spelling error.

The second spelling error is found on the fourth line which reads ΘΝΗΣΚΕΙΝΙΣ (image 2). Though the text is faded, you can still make out the iota and the sigma. The expected word here is “Εισηλθεν” and the astute viewer will notice that the epsilon is missing. This is indeed true. Evidently, the dipthong ΕΙ may have sounded the same or similar as a single iota and this may have confused the scribe creating a spelling error. This is of course is assuming that the scribe did not correctly copy the exemplar before him and produced the error rather than copied it. So we’ll give this one to Dr. Combs as it is likely the ‘spelling error’ that he had referred to in the short video.

I therefore take no issues with his claim of a single spelling error.

TTotG:   What about the scribal error?

Dwayne Green:  To understand how Dr. Combs came to the ‘scribal error’ conclusion we must first realize that he is looking at P52 from a TR perspective. If you take a look at the the following image, the line being shown reads ΡΙΟΝΟΠ. Dr. Combs understands the Π at the end of this line to be the first letter of the word ΠΑΛΙΝ. This is the underlying assumption that allows him to conclude that the omicron “was misplaced and put in front of the word instead of behind it”. Remember, the way the TR renders this passage is: “Εισηλθεν ουν εις το πραιτωριον παλιν ο Πιλατος”. So in order for Dr. Combs to justify the TR reading in P52 he must move the article Ο in front of ΠΑΛΙΝ in order to call it a scribal error. For Dr. combs P52 in the lacunose area should read ΡΙΟΝΟΠΑΛΙΝΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ (the red text represents a reconstruction of the lacunose area), but is this reconstruction plausible? Below I have provided three hurdles for Dr. Combs theory.

Hurdle 1: Grammar

Proper nouns such as ΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ are more often then not preceded by the article. However the word ΠΑΛΙΝ being an adverb virtually never has the article before it. A quick search in Logos Bible software results in 142 instance of ΠΑΛΙΝ in the Textus Receptus (presumably Scriveners edition) so I spot checked about 30 random instances and in no case does the article precede ΠΑΛΙΝ. Now Dr. Combs may understand this which is why he called it a ‘scribal error’, but the contention here is that the article Ο followed by Πιλατος would not only be the natural reading, but statistically based on the grammar, would be the more certain reading. Especially when we do not have a conclusion in search of the evidence.

Hurdle 2: Extant Textual Variants

Coming back to Dr. Combs' statement, his explanation is that P52 places the Ο before ΠΑΛΙΝ rather than ΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ resulting in the reading εις το πραιτωριον ο παλιν Πιλατος. This results in a textual variant that does not exist in any of the major collations. There’s plenty of support for the rendering of John 18:33 as found in the TR, such as Aleph, A, C², B, and P60 among others; the complete omission of ΠΑΛΙΝ both before εις το πραιτωριον and after is witnessed by at least two manuscripts according to Swanson: C^c and 33. Codex N and Codex Ψ comes the closest to Dr. Combs' suggestion with the reading ο Πιλατος Παλιν, but even in its closeness, it leaves his ‘scribal error’ theory wanting.

Given the current textual variants among our extant manuscripts it appears that the reading that Dr. Combs wants P52 to be DOES NOT EXIST. Put another way, in order for his theory to fit he must invent a brand new, never before seen textual variant.

Hurdle 3: A Perfect Match to the Critical Editions.

When you compare a reconstruction of the text of P52 with the Critical editions of the Greek New Testament, we find that it is essentially (minus the 2 spelling variants mentioned above) a match with the extant areas of the manuscript. Consider the image below, the highlighted characters represent where the critical editions match with P52. It is essentially Identical. We do not need to come up with convoluted reasons to make something else work. It just fits.

TTotG:  Any other observations about P52?

Dwayne Green:  There is one more matter that is worthy of our attention, although we do not consider it  a ‘hurdle’. That is the question of weather a reconstruction based on character counts per line can give us any helpful details to Dr. Combs claim. Can it make room for ΠΑΛΙΝ on the same line as ΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ or does it favor ΠΑΛΙΝ on the previous line. The short answer is that this methodology is inconclusive. There is tremendous debate surrounding the question of nomina sacra. Does the reconstruction of the name Ιησου in the second line and Ιησουν at the end of the fifth line appear in full form, or in nomina sacra? If we assume for the sake of Dr. Combs argument that the nomina sacra is employed here, it merely allows for the possibility that ΠΑΛΙΝ could fit, but its not decisive as it could still also fit in the line above it where the Critical texts presumes it would fit.

If on the other hand, it turns out that “Jesus” is written out in full form this would further demonstrate that ΠΑΛΙΝ could not be moved and share the same line as ΠΙΛΑΤΟΣ because removing it from its current place would drop the character count for that line far below the other lines represented by the manuscript. Of course, this makes a number of assumptions that must be made in the reconstruction to make sense of it and not everyone is convinced that this is a worthwhile endeavor.

So essentially, as far as Dr. Combs theory is concerned and the application of reconstructing the lacunose area based on character counts, is dead in the water. It does not help us either way.

Conclusion

It is indeed a weird flex to invent a never before seen textual variant in order to substantiate the claim that P52 supports the TR; especially when all signs point to an exact match of the WH and the NA28 text. Add in the fact that grammatically speaking, the article often precedes proper nouns and not usually adverbs which only piles on to the arguments against this wishful thinking.

At the end of Dr. Combs brief analysis of P52 he states rather emphatically “Besides that, it is a perfect match to the Textus Receptus”. I can’t help but hear “Besides the differences from the TR, its a perfect match to the TR”. As a Byzantine Prioritist myself, it would be exceptionally welcomed to see a byzantine reading among the earliest manuscript, but we should also be careful not to make manuscripts say more than they do in an effort to impose our own conclusions on the evidence. We are not part of the “Oldest is best” club, and fortunately our New Testament text rests on much more than a small scrap of papyrus found in the Egyptian desert.

TTotG:  Thanks for sharing your thoughts, Dwayne.

 

Video Lecture 06: Some Important Manuscripts

Now at YouTube:

Lecture 06 - Some Important Manuscripts - in the series Introduction to New Testament Textual Criticism. (24 minutes, but viewers are expected to explore the links and thus take longer)

Subtitles provide a basic outline and links to supplemental materials.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9SqzPnVlvWY

An excerpt:

            We are about to meet some manuscripts.  Some of these, you might encounter very often in the apparatus of the Greek New Testament.  Others are relatively small, but they are among the earliest witnesses to the readings they support.  

            In the course of this lecture, I will mention links to supplemental materials as we go. I hope that you will pause this video when a link appears, explore each resource, and then return to the lecture.   These resources include images of manuscripts that can be viewed in fine detail.

            Today I am going to refer to the Alexandrian Text, the Western Text, and the Byzantine Text.  Hopefully in a future lecture I will go into more detail about these terms.  For now, you can generally picture them as three forms of the text:  the Alexandrian Text was used in Egypt, and influenced the Sahidic version there.  The Western Text was used mainly but not exclusively in the Western part of the Roman Empire, and influenced the Old Latin text.  The Byzantine Text  was used in the vicinity of Constantinople, and is generally supported by the majority of Greek manuscripts.

 ● We begin with Papyrus 52.  This is perhaps the oldest manuscript that contains text from the New Testament.  It is small, about the size of a playing card.  It contains text from John 18:31-33 on one side, and on the other side it contains text from John 18:37-38.  Which is not a lot of text.  It was brought to light by Colin H. Roberts in 1935.  

The importance of Papyrus 52, which is at the John Rylands Library in Manchester, England, is its age:  it is probably from about the first half of the 100s.   There is a nice description of Papyrus 52 (and other papyri fragments) by Robert Waltz at the Encyclopedia of New Testament Textual Criticism. In addition, Dirk Jongkind has a brief video about P52 on YouTube. 

● Papyrus 104 is another early papyrus fragment that is a top contender for the title “earliest New Testament manuscript.”  It was excavated at Oxyrhynchus, Egypt by Grenfell and Hunt, and was brought to light in 1997 by J. D. Thomas.  If Papyrus 52 is the earliest manuscript of John, Papyrus 104 is the earliest manuscript of Matthew.  The handwriting used for P104 was executed in a fancier style than what is seen in most other manuscripts; similar handwriting appears in some non-Biblical manuscripts excavated at Oxyrhynchus, including one in which a specific date, from the year 204 or 211, has survived. 

            Papyrus 104 contains text from Matthew 21:34-37 on one side.  The text on the other side is very extremely badly damaged.  But the surviving damaged text there probably contains text from Matthew 21:43 and 45.  This would mean that Papyrus 104 is both the earliest manuscript of Matthew 21 and also the earliest witness for the non-inclusion of Matthew 21:44. 

            Greg Lanier’s detailed analysis of Papyrus 104 can be found online in Volume 21 of the TC-Journal, for 2016.

● Papyrus 23 is a fragment of the Epistle of James, probably made in the early 200s.  It contains text from part of James chapter 1. 

            You can get a very good look at Papyrus 23 by visiting the website of its present home, the Spurlock Museum in Urbana, Illinois.

 ● Papyrus 137 received some fame, before its official publication, by being heralded as if it was from the first century; it was called “First Century Mark.”  It turned out to be not from the first century.  However, this manuscript – a very small fragment containing text from Mark 1:7-9 and Mark 1:16-18 – is the oldest copy of the text it preserves.  Like several other early fragments, it has made no impact on the compilation of the text of the New Testament.

● Papyrus 45 is much more substantial – but it is still very fragmentary.  When it was made in the first half of the 200s, Papyrus 45 contained the four Gospels and Acts.  The order of books, when the manuscript was made, is unknown.  Its surviving pages at the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin contain text from Matthew 20 and 21,  Mark 4-9, Mark 11-12, Luke 6-7, Luke 9-14, John 4-5, John 10-11, and Acts 4-17.  A leaf in Vienna contains text from Matthew 25-26.  This is the earliest known manuscript that contains text from all four Gospels.

            Papyrus 45 has several readings that are especially interesting due to the impact they have on Hort’s Theory of the Lucianic Recension.  Hopefully we will take a closer look at this in a future lecture, but for now, we can just sum it up as the theory that the Byzantine Text – the text in the vast majority of Greek manuscripts – originated as the result of an editorial effort by someone in the late 200s – possibly Lucian of Antioch – who was combining readings from two earlier forms of the text:  the Alexandrian Text, and the Western Text.  Based on this theory, Hort rejected readings in the Byzantine Text that were neither Alexandrian nor Western, reckoning that they did not exist before the Byzantine Text was made.

But in Papyrus 45, which is assigned to the early 200s, there are some readings that are not supported by the flagship manuscripts of the Alexandrian Text or the Western Text.  Readings in Mark 7:35, Acts 15:40, and many other passages show that it is hazardous to assume that non-Alexandrian, non-Western readings should be rejected.

             The text of Papyrus 45 does not agree particularly strongly with Codex Vaticanus, and it does not agree particularly strongly with Codex Bezae either.  In the parts of Mark where Papyrus 45 is extant, its closest textual relative is Codex W – but Codex W’s text in those parts of Mark is not particularly Alexandrian or Western either.

            When Papyrus 45 was first studied, after it was brought to light in the 1930s, there was a tendency to call its text Caesarean, like the text of family-1.  But the late Larry Hurtado showed that whatever Papyrus 45’s text is, it is not closely related to the Caesarean Text.  And while it repeatedly agrees with the Byzantine Text, it is not consistently Byzantine either.

● Papyrus 46 is the earliest substantial copy of most of the Epistles of Paul, basically arranged in order according to their length, with Hebrews between Romans and First Corinthians.  There is some uncertainty about how many epistles the copyist intended to include in the codex.  Part of this manuscript is at the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin, and part of it is at the University of Michigan.  Its most likely production-date is around 200, give or take 50 years.  The text of Papyrus 46 tends to agree with Codex Vaticanus, but not as strictly as one might expect. For example, in Ephesians 5:9, Papyrus 46 agrees with the Byzantine Text, reading “the fruit of the Spirit” instead of “the fruit of the light.”

● Papyrus 66 contains most of the Gospel of John, with some gaps due to incidental damage.  It was found in Egypt in the early 1950s, and was published in 1956.  Its production-date was initially assigned to around 200, but a wider range is possible.  The copyist who wrote the text in Papyrus 66 made over 400 corrections of what he had initially written. 

● Papyrus 75 is also assigned to around 200.  It is a damaged but substantial codex that contains text from Luke and John.  Its surviving text of Luke begins in chapter 3; its surviving text of John ends in chapter 15.  The text of Papyrus 75 is close to the text found in Codex Vaticanus, but the two manuscripts are not related in a grandfather-and-grandson kind of relationship.  Page-views of Papyrus 75 can be found online at the website of the Vatican Library.

Each of the next three manuscripts was designed as a pandect, that is, a large one-volume collection of the entire Bible.  We tend to assume that it is not unusual to have a single volume that contains all of the books of both the Old Testament and the New Testament.  But that is because we are part of a post-printing-press generation.   In the world of manuscripts, Greek pandects of the Bible are rare.

● Codex Vaticanus is a very important manuscript of the Bible, housed, along with many other manuscripts, at the Vatican Library in Rome.  Its New Testament portion was not the subject of scholarly study until the early 1800s, and since then its reputation has grown.  Today it is generally regarded as the most important manuscript of the New Testament.

 Textually, Codex Vaticanus is the paramount representative of the Alexandrian Text.

Vaticanus was produced in the early 300s.  Its text, in the New Testament, is formatted in three columns per page.  This is usually its format in the Old Testament books too, although in the books of poetry the format is two columns per page.  Codex Vaticanus does not contain the entire New Testament; it has no text from First Timothy, Second Timothy, Titus, Philemon, or the book of Revelation; a text of Revelation is in the codex, written in minuscule lettering, but it is not really the same codex. 

Vaticanus also does not contain the text of the book of Hebrews after Hebrews 9:14.     

            The lettering in Codex Vaticanus has been extensively reinforced; that is, someone, long after the codex was made, traced over the lettering, except where, rightly or wrongly, he thought that the text was inaccurate.  The exact date when this was done is a matter of debate.  I suspect that Codex Vaticanus, before it ended up at the Vatican Library, was previously in the hands of an important character in the 1400s named Bessarion, and scribes working for Bessarion may have been responsible for sprucing it up a bit.  This did not materially affect its text.

The entire manuscript can be viewed page by page at the website of the Vatican Library.

● Codex Sinaiticus is the wingman of Codex Vaticanus.  Its text is not as good, but it is more complete.  The New Testament text of Codex Sinaiticus has survived in more or less the same form in which it left its scriptorium in the mid-300s.  “More or less,” that is, because a few centuries after its production, someone attempted to adjust many of its readings, but those attempts can be detected.  In addition to containing the text of every book of the New Testament, Codex Sinaiticus also contains the Epistle of Barnabas and part of the Shepherd of Hermas.

Most of the text of Codex Sinaiticus is Alexandrian.  However, in the first eight chapters of John, more or less, its text tends to be more like the Western Text.  It is as if the copyists were working from an exemplar of the Gospels that was Alexandrian, but in these opening chapters of John, their main exemplar was damaged, and so they used a drastically different exemplar as their back-up.

That would be consistent with a historical scenario that is mentioned by Jerome, who states that Acacius and Euzoius, at Caesarea in the mid-300s, labored to replace texts written on decaying papyrus in the library there with more durable parchment copies.  Whereas Codex Vaticanus does not have the Eusebian Section-numbers in its margins in the Gospels, Codex Sinaiticus does – but in a somewhat mangled form. 

            This indicates that Eusebius of Caesarea was not involved in the production of Codex Sinaiticus, because it is extremely unlikely that he would have allowed his own cross-reference system to be presented so carelessly.  At the same time, as the place where Eusebius was bishop until his death, Caesarea was one of the first places where the Eusebian Canons were used.

In addition, there are several clues embedded in the text of Codex Sinaiticus that suggest that it was made at Caesarea, during the time when Acacius, an Arian, was bishop there.  I think it is very probable that this is when and where it was made.

Details about the origin of Codex Sinaiticus, and the quality of its text, have tended to be overshadowed by stories about its discovery in the 1800s by Constantine Tischendorf at Saint Catherine’s Monastery on Mount Sinai.  In this lecture I will not go into detail about all that, except to say, first, that the most generous interpretation of Tischendorf’s account of his first encounter with pages from Codex Sinaiticus is that he did not understand what he was being shown and what he was being told, and, second, all of the pages that Tischendorf took should be returned to the monastery from which they came.   

Codex Sinaiticus has a secondary set of section-numbers in its margin in Acts that is, for the most part, shared by Codex Vaticanus.  This indicates that when these numbers were added, probably in the 600s, these two manuscripts were at the same place.

Codex Sinaiticus has its own website, CodexSinaiticus.org , and there one can find not only good photographs of the manuscript but also some interesting information about its background and how it was made.

● Next is Codex Alexandrinus.  This codex, from the early 400s, has undergone significant damage:  it is missing the first 24 chapters of Matthew.  The surviving Gospels-text of Alexandrinus is particularly important because it tends to support the Byzantine Text, unlike Vaticanus and Sinaiticus.  In Acts and the Epistles, its text agrees much more often with the two flagship Alexandrian codices, but this is a tendency, definitely not a two-peas-in-a-pod level of agreement.  For Revelation, Codex A is the best manuscript we have. The entire New Testament portion of Codex Alexandrinus can be viewed page by page at the British Library’s website.     

● The worst Greek manuscript we have is Codex Bezae, a diglot manuscript, with alternating pages in Latin, which was produced in the 400s.  It has undergone some damage, but it still contains most of the four Gospels, in the order Matthew – John – Luke – Mark, part of Third John in Latin, and most of the book of Acts.

More important than its production-date is the date of the readings that it supports:  many of them are supported by Old Latin witnesses, and by early patristic writers who used what is called the Western Text. 

 The high level of textual corruption in Codex Bezae makes the text found in relatively young manuscripts look excellent in comparison.  Codex D’s text demonstrates that what really matters is not the age of a manuscript, as much as how well the copyists in the transmission-line of a manuscript did their job. 

Once one comes to terms with the awful quality of Codex Bezae’s text, though, many of its readings are awfully interesting.  It echoes a time in the text’s history when copyists prioritized conveying the meaning of the text – or what they thought was its meaning – above the form of the text found in their exemplars.

 Codex Bezae can be viewed online page by page at the University of Cambridge’s Digital Library.

● Also from the 400s, and probably earlier than Codex Bezae, is Codex Washingtonianus.  Codex W was acquired by the American businessman Charles Freer in 1906.  It is the most important Greek Gospels-manuscript in the United States.  Part of what makes Codex W important is not only its age, but its attestation to different forms of the text collected in a single volume:  its text in Matthew is strongly Byzantine.  Its text in Mark 1:1 to Mark 1-5 is similar to Western Text.  Its text in the rest of Mark tends to agree with the surviving text of Papyrus 45, at least in the parts where P45 is extant.   In Luke, up to chapter 8, its text is Alexandrian, but the rest of Luke tends to agree with the Byzantine Text.  In the first four chapters of John, Codex W has supplemental pages, copied from a different exemplar than the rest.  In the rest of John, it tends to agree with the Alexandrian Text.

This has led some researchers to suspect that although most of Codex W appears to have been made in the 400s, it may be a copy of an earlier codex that was based on exemplars that had been partly destroyed in the Diocletian persecution, in the very early 300s, just before Codex Vaticanus was made.  Page-views of Codex W can be accessed at the website of the Center for the Study of New Testament Manuscripts.

● Codex Ephraemi Syri Rescriptus, also known as Codex C, is a palimpsest.  Its surviving pages contain text from almost every book of the New Testament, as well as pages from some of the books of Poetry in the Old Testament, and two apocryphal books.  It was made some time in the 400s.  Its text is somewhat Alexandrian, with significant Byzantine mixture.  It is one of the few Greek manuscripts that support the reading “six hundred and sixteen” as the number of the beast in Revelation 13:18.

The parchment of Codex C was recycled to provide material on which some of the works of Ephraem the Syrian were written; this accounts for the name of the manuscript.  Its Biblical text was established in the 1840s, after much effort, by Constantine Tischendorf, the same individual who brought Codex Sinaiticus to the attention of European scholars.   The text has undergone extensive correction.

● 0176 is a fragment, probably produced in the 400s, that contains text from Galatians 3:16-24.  This manuscript was excavated from Oxyrhynchus, Egypt, which is somewhat intriguing, because the text of this fragment is thoroughly Byzantine, not Alexandrian.

● The Purple Triplets is my pet name for three uncial manuscripts from the mid-500s:  Codex N, Codex O, and Codex Σ.      Codex N is also known as 022, Codex Petropolitanus Purpureus.  Codex O is also known as 023, Codex Sinopensis.  It contains text from the Gospel of Matthew.  And Codex Σ is also known as 042, Codex Purpureus Rossanensis, or the Rossano Gospels.  It contains text from Matthew and Mark.

            These are not the only Greek uncial manuscripts written on purple parchment.  What is especially interesting about these three is that they are related to each other like siblings, copies of the same master-copy.  Codex Σ is known not only for its mainly Byzantine text, but also for its illustrations, which can be viewed at http://www.codexrossanensis.it .

● Codex Regius, also known as Codex L, contains most of the text of the four Gospels.  It was probably made in the 700s, probably by an Egyptian copyist.  Codex L is one of six Greek manuscripts that attest to both the Shorter Ending and the Longer Ending of Mark.  Codex L also has a large distinct blank space in the Gospel of John where most manuscripts have John 7:53-8:11, the story of the adulteress.    

● Codex Pi, also known as Codex Petropolitanus, is a Gospels-manuscript assigned to the 800s.  Its text is a very early form of the Byzantine Text.

● Codex K, also known as Codex Cyprius, is another Gospels-manuscript that was also probably produced in the 800s.  In the first 20 verses of the Sermon on the Mount in Matthew 5, compared to the text in Codex Sinaiticus, the text of Codex Cyprius is much closer to the original text.

● Minuscule 2474, the Elfleda Bond Goodspeed Gospels, from the 900s, contains an example of the text of the Gospels that dominated Greek manuscript-production in the Byzantine Empire.  This manuscript can be viewed page by page at the website of the Goodspeed Manuscript Library of the University of Chicago.

            There are also several clusters, or groups, of manuscripts, that share readings that indicate that they share the same general line of descent: 

            In the Gospels, the text of some members of a group of manuscripts that display a note called the Jerusalem Colophon is above average importance.

            Readings shared by the main members of Family 1 in the Gospels, best represented by minuscule manuscripts 1, 1582, and 2193, probably echo an ancestor-manuscript from the 400s.

            Members of Family 13 in the Gospels tend to echo an ancestor-manuscript with many reading that diverge from the Byzantine standard.

            Also, in the General Epistles, members of the Harklean Group echo a form of the text that has some unusual readings that are earlier than Codex Sinaiticus.

            Some other minuscules, such as minuscules 6, 157, 700, 892, and 1739, are as important as some of the uncials.  Their existence should remind us that when we ask how much weight ought to be given to a particular manuscript, the primary consideration should not be “How old is it”, but “How well did the copyists in its transmission-stream do their job?”. 

            No manuscript sprang into being out of nothing, and any manuscript, early or late, if it is independent from another known manuscript, has the potential to contribute something to a reconstruction of the text of the New Testament.

             To get some idea of the appearance of New Testament manuscripts, I encourage you to explore the online presentations of manuscripts at the following institutions:

            Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount Sinai, the Vatican Library, the British Library, the National Library of France, the Walters Art Museum, the Goodspeed Manuscript Collection at the University of Chicago, the Kenneth W. Clark Collection at Duke University, and the  Center for the Study of New Testament Manuscripts.