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Showing posts with label Good Friday. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Good Friday. Show all posts

Monday, November 4, 2019

A Surprise in Athens


            In 2015-2016, a team of researchers from the Center for the Study of New Testament Manuscripts visited the National Library of Greece and brought to light 21 manuscripts in the collection there in Athens.  One of them – Lectionary 2012 – has not gotten very much attention,  That is unfortunate, considering that of all the manuscripts that CSNTM’s research has brought to the attention of the Institute for New Testament Research, this is one of the oldest.
            This sheet of parchment, glued to the cover of another, later lectionary, is from an uncial Gospels-lectionary that was probably produced in the 900s.  The reverse side cannot presently be viewed, since it is glued down.  On the side that is viewable, portions of two pages (on a single parchment sheet) with text can be seen.  
            If we look at the manuscript and begin to read the third column (to the right of where the sheet was once vertically folded), we encounter text from Matthew 27:6, beginning with εξεστιν at the end of the first tattered line, followed by βαλειν αυτὰ on the next line.  The text of this column continues to the beginning of Matthew 27:9, where διὰ Ιερεμίου is the last line of the column. 
            Shifting our focus to the first column of the manuscript (first, that is, in its present glued-down state), we see text from Matthew 27:53, beginning with –λθον at the end of the tattered upper edge of the parchment.  The text continues to the end of Matthew 27:54, and then – in the same line on which Mt. 27:54 ends – the text switches immediately to the beginning of John 19:31 with οι ουν Ιουδαιοι, continuing to the words τω σαβββάτῳ which constitute the last line of the column.  At the top of the second column, the first extant line is Πιλάτον ινα.  The middle of John 19:31 occupied the non-extant portion of the column (the descender of the ρ in ηρώτησαν has survived).  The text continues to the first part of John 19:34; the last line is αλλ’ εις των στρα–.    
            Thus, in this single-sheet manuscript fragment, we have (1) Matthew’s account of the purchase of the Field of Blood, (2) Matthew’s account of the centurion’s confession, “Truly this was the Son of God,” and (3) John’s report that when the soldiers came to Jesus to break His legs, they found Him already dead.  
            Here is a complete transcript, column by column, along with a more or less line-by-line English translation.  Bracketed letters in the transcription are not visible in the photographs.  Red letters are variations from the text of the passage as found in the Robinson-Pierpont Byzantine Textform.  Red crosses are features of the manuscript.

Lectionary 2012, in English.
Matthew 27:6-9a:
            [ε]ξεστ[ιν]
  βαλ[ε]ιν αυτα ·
  εις τον κορβαν[αν]
  επει τιμη αί
  ματος εστιν +
συμβούλιον δ[ε]
  λαβόντες η[γό]
  ρασαν εξ αυτ[ων]
  τον αγρον του
  κεραμέως · εις τα
  φην τοις ξένοι[ς]
  διο εκλήθη · ο α
  γρος εκεινος · α
  γρος αιματος ·
  εως της σήμερ[ον]
  τοτε επληρώ
  θη τω ρηθεν
  δια Ϊερεμίου

Matthew 27:53b-54 + John 19:31a:

                    –ηλθον
  εις τὴν αγίαν πό
  λην καὶ ενεφα
  νησθησαν πολλοις +
Ο δε εκατόνταρ
  χος και οι μετ’ αυ
  του · τηρουντες
  τον Ιν · ϊδοντες 
  τον σεισμον και
  τα γενόμενα ·
  εφοβήθησαν σφό
  δρα + λέγοντες ·  
  αληθως Θυ Υς ην
  ουτος + οι ουν Ϊου
  δαιοι · ϊνα μὴ μεί
  νη επι του στρου ·
  τα σώματα εν
  τω σαββάτω ·

John 19:31c-34a:

  Πιλάτον ίνα
  κατεαγωσιν αυ
  των τὰ σκέλει
  και αρθωσιν +
  ηλθον ουν οι στρα
  τιωται + και του
  μεν πρώτου
  κατέαξαν τὰ
  σκέλει καὶ του
  αλλου του συσταυ
  ρωθέν τος αυ
  τω + επι δε τὸν
  Ιν ελθόντες ως
  ειδον αυτον η
  δη τεθνηκότα
  ου κατέαξαν αυ
  του τὰ σκέλη +
  αλλ’ εις των στρα

         
            The extant text of this fragment differs from the Robinson-Pierpont Byzantine Textform only in matters of spelling; for all practical purposes, the two are identical.  This leads me to suspect that the writers who are responsible for spreading the claim that “No two New Testament manuscripts have the same text” have not examined very many fragmentary lectionaries.
            It would be interesting to examine this fragment with Multi-Spectral Imaging at the National Library of Greece (where it is kept as Collection-item 2460 ) to see the text on the other side.  It is interesting to see how this lection combined text from Matthew and John; perhaps a closer analysis of this kind of Good Friday lectionary-cycle could explain why the Alexandrian Text (in some of what are often called the “oldest and best” manuscripts) has a reading that resembles John 19:34 after  Matthew 27:49. 



Readers are invited to double-check the data in this post.


Thursday, November 8, 2018

Lessons from GA 2437


            Practically every manuscript of the Gospels is textually interesting in some way.  Today, let’s take a look at the medieval minuscule 2437 – the oldest New Testament manuscript in South America – and see what we can learn from its contents.  2437 is a Gospels-manuscript from the 1000s or 1100s.  It is damaged; the text of Matthew 1:1-9:16 is absent, and so are the pages that contained John 17:14-18:2.  It was prepared for reading in church-services, as is indicated by the presence of marks delineating the beginnings and ends of lections embedded within the text.  Its text is Byzantine with some minor deviations, plus one major one. Page-views of all extant pages of this manuscript can be viewed, fully indexed, at the website of the Center for the Study of New Testament Manuscripts.  (Some pages are out of order.)  A PDF of the manuscript is also available online, from the National Library of Brasil.    

            What can we learn from this manuscript?

            One thing we can learn from 2437 is that it is potentially very helpful to have digital reproductions of manuscripts.  This manuscript is housed in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and there was recently a terrible fire at the National Museum in which over three-fourths of the 20 milllion items in the museum’s collections were lost.  Fortunately 2437 was housed elsewhere in Rio de Janeiro (at the National Library), but the tragic fire nearby serves as a reminder that digital  reproductions can ensure that the manuscript-evidence is disaster-proof.    
Another thing we can learn from 2437 is that many Byzantine manuscripts of the Gospels contain some liturgical expansions.  Exhibit A in this regard is in Luke 14:24.  The main text of the Robinson-Pierpont Byzantine Textform contains an extra phrase at the end of Luke 14:24:  “for many are called, but few are chosen” – the same words found in Matthew 22:14.  A hyphen in the margin of RP2005 conveys that this phrase is not in a significant portion of Byzantine manuscripts.  The Textus Receptus does not have this phrase in Luke 14:24, and thus the KJV and NKJV do not have it either.  The family-35 archetype reconstructed by Wilbur Pickering does not have it; neither does the Hodges-Farstad Majority Text (1982). 
2437 provides evidence of how this phrase entered the text of Luke 14:24:  it was used as a liturgical flourish at the end of a lection.  The main text of Luke 14:24 in 2437 does not contain the phrase, but it is written in the margin – in red, as part of the lectionary apparatus, instructing the lector about how to finish the lection. A similar marginal note appears in Codex S, also in red:  “for many are called.”  This illustrates how this phrase entered the text – not just in relatively young manuscripts, but also in earlier manuscripts such as Codex Y (034), from the 800s.  
Codex Macedonianus' text has absorbed
the flourish found in the margin of 2437
.
A takeaway from this should be that when we find short phrases in some manuscripts that are absent from other manuscripts, we should ask if the phrase appears at the end of a lection, and if it could be used as a concluding flourish for a lection – and if the answers are“Yes,” then that is a strong indication of the origin of the phrase.  It ought to be noted that this accretion is supported by family-13 manuscripts, indicating that the form of text in family-13 is essentially a text that was prepared as a sort of liturgical hybrid:  a Gospels-text edited to facilitate the needs of lectors.
Similarly, 2437 shows how accretions occasionally slipped into the text at the beginnings of lections.  In Luke 7:31, the Byzantine Text does not have the phrase “And the Lord said,” but the Textus Receptus does.  These words originated not with Saint Luke but as an incipit, or introductory phrase for lection-reading, which can be seen in 2437, in red (as part of the lectionary apparatus) in an abbreviated form, between Luke 7:30 and 7:31.
Luke 7:30-32 in 2437.
A third lesson from 2437 is that even the most ordinary-seeming manuscript can have surprising and unusual readings.  Taking in hand the UBS Greek New Testament, and turning to Matthew 22-27, there are hardly any contests in the textual apparatus in which 2437 does not agree with the Byzantine text.  Exceptions, however, include a variant-unit in 24:31, where 2437 agrees with the unusual reading in Codex Bezae (and 1241 and the Vulgate and most Old Latin witnesses) – the equivalent of “with a trumpet and a loud voice” instead of “with a great voice of a trumpet.”  
Even more remarkable is a variant in Matthew 27:49, where 2437 agrees (mostly) with the fourth-century Alexandrian codices Vaticanus and Sinaiticus (and Codex Regius) by including a statement at the end of the verse that someone came and took a spear and pierced His side, and water and blood came out.  In Codex Vaticanus the reading is as follows:  αλλος δε λαβων λογχην ενυξεν αυτου την πλευραν και εξηλθεν ϋδωρ και αιμα.
Someone tried to erase three lines written
by the scribe of 2437 in Matthew 27:49.
            2437 is one of thirty-five Greek manuscripts which have (or had) this unusual reading in Matthew 27:49.  (See Dirk Jongkind’s data for a complete list.)  In addition to those witnesses, the testimony of Codex Y should not be overlooked; while it does not have this variant in its text, it has a red wavy obelus (~ with a dot above and below the ~ ) between the end of Matthew 27:49 and the beginning of 27:50; the same symbol appears in the inner margin.            
This reading is remarkable for several reasons.  Perhaps the paramount reason is that although it is supported by two manuscripts (Vaticanus and Sinaiticus) that are often referred to as our “most reliable” manuscripts, if it were to be included in the text, it would form a contradiction with the parallel-passage in John 19 by stating that Jesus was pierced before He died; John’s account specifies that Jesus’ body was pierced, and that blood and water flowed from the wound, after He was dead.   
It is no surprise that there is no footnote about this reading in the Christian Standard Bible and the English Standard Bible, for their publishers probably did not want to bear the burden of telling their evangelical customers that if their two “oldest and most reliable” manuscripts were consistently followed – the two manuscripts which steered the compilation of their base-text to a large extent – their text would not be inerrant.    
            Another reason why this reading is interesting is that Severus of Antioch, a patristic writer in the first half of the 500s, commented about it in his Epistle 107, written to Thomas, another bishop.  In his younger days, Severus had studied in Alexandria, Egypt, and this may explain why he was aware of this reading, about which he wrote along these lines:
            “The holy evangelist John, and no one else, recorded that our Lord Jesus Christ was pierced in the side with a lance by a soldier, after He gave up the ghost, and blood and water came forth from it in a miraculous manner.  But certain persons have clearly falsified the Gospel of Matthew and inserted this very passage, when the contrary is the fact, in order to show that it was while He was alive that the soldier pierced His side with the spear, and afterwards He gave up the ghost.”
            Severus continues on this subject for several paragraphs, mentioning at one point that the question about whether this passage belongs in Matthew or not was resolved via a consultation of a copy of the Gospel of Matthew – perhaps the autograph is intended to be meant – which was (according to Severus) found in the tomb of Saint Barnabas; this volume, stored in the royal palace in Constantinople, was examined and found to not contain the passage in Matthew. 
            Severus proceeds to raise a question about John Chrysostom’s treatment of Matthew 27:49-50 in Chrysostom’s Homily 88 on Matthew, a text which is still extant.  Chrysostom (c. 400) cited Matthew 27:49 and included the reading about another coming to Jesus and piercing His side with a spear – but then Chrysostom affirmed that Jesus was dead when he was struck.  No wonder Severus was puzzled.
            More of Severus’ comments, and some additional information about this variant, can be found in Wieland Willker’s Textual Commentary on the Greek Gospels.  One point worth special notice is that Eusebius of Caesarea included John 19:34 in the tenth list of passages in his Canon Tables, and the tenth list was reserved for material found in only one Gospel – which clearly implies that Eusebius did not find the passage about Jesus being struck with a spear anywhere but in the Gospel of John.  (This reduces the plausibility of the theory that Eusebius was directly involved with the production of Vaticanus and/or Sinaiticus.)
            In 2437, the text of the Alexandrian reading occupied three lines when the manuscript was produced, but the text there has been erased.  Enough traces of the writing have survived, however, not only to confirm that it is the same variant, but that in 2437, the phrase ended with “blood and water” (as in John 19:34) rather than “water and blood.”  
            Hort, one of the scholars who prepared the 1881 revised text, studied this reading, and called it a corruption, but he favored agreements of Vaticanus and Sinaiticus so much that he kept it in the main text, within double-brackets.  Hort categorized this reading – or rather, the non-inclusion of this reading – as a “Western Non-interpolation” – that is, as an interpolation found in all early forms of text except the Western Text.  Thanks largely to the discovery of Papyrus 75, the collection of verses and phrases in Luke 24 which Hort considered spurious – favoring the shorter Western variants at those points (some of which were also missing in the Revised Standard Version) have been restored to the text.  This reading in Matthew, however, has not been adopted, and it is rare to find a modern version that even mentions it in a footnote (the NRSV and the NET being two exceptions.)  The recently published Tyndale House edition of the Greek New Testament does not acknowledge its existence at all.
An annotation in the margin of minuscule 72,
alongside Matthew 27:48-50.
            John Burgon also gave this reading some attention, and the results of his research can be found in Appendix H of his 1871 book The Last Twelve Verses of Mark.  He concluded that the variant is probably an extract from Tatian’s Diatessaron (a continuous combination of the four Gospels, produced in the 170s).  Evidence for this position may be found in a margin-note in manuscript 72 which states that “In the Gospel account, according to a report of Diodorus and Tatian and assorted other holy fathers, this is also there:  “Another came with a spear and pierced His side, and there came forth water and blood.”  This is also said by Chrysostom.”
            Another possibility exists.  Just as some marginal notes in 2437 related to liturgical Scripture-reading are formatted as part of the text in other manuscripts, the phrase “And another came with a spear and pierced His side, and there came forth water and blood” may have stood as a marginal note in an early lector’s copy – not with the intention that the phrase should be added after Matthew 27:49, but as a signal to the lector that in the annual Scripture-readings on Good Friday, the lector was to turn to the excerpt in John in which this occurred – that is, the lector was to stop reading from Matthew 27 at this point, and continue the narrative by turning to John 19:31-35 (or 19:31-37).
            In other words, this variant originated as the equivalent of an early chapter-title in the margin, rather than as something intended to be inserted in the text.  The surprising thing is not that it entered the Alexandrian Text (in much the same way that the accretions in Luke 14:24 and 14:31 entered many Byzantine copies), but that it was replicated in some Old Latin copies (echoed by extant Latin copies such as the Garland of Howth, the Book of Mulling, the Book of Armagh, and the Book of Kells (all with the word-order “water and blood” at the end), in the Middle Egyptian version, and in over two dozen Byzantine manuscripts such as 2437.    
            In closing, I wish to briefly delve into what may seem to be a tangential subject:  lection-divisions in the closing chapters of the Gospel of John.   If this allows readers to decipher the marginalia which appears in 2437 in those chapters, in addition to illustrating a theory about the possible origin of the variant in Matthew 27:49, this scenic detour will be time well spent. 
            The Byzantine chapters in John are much fewer than in the other three Gospels, being only 18 in number (or 19, with the story of the adulteress listed as a chapter).  The last chapter begins at John 19:38, and the next-to-last chapter begins at 15:26.  But one also finds marks and marginal notes designating smaller segments of the text:  lections which were read especially at Eastertime.  In 2437, in addition to faint marks identifying John 15:26 as the beginning of chapter 17, and John 19:38 as the beginning of chapter 18, there are designations for the beginnings of lections (or portions of lections) at the following points:

● in John 16:2, where the mark ⁜ appears (= lection for the Tuesday of the seventh week after Easter),
● before John 16:15 (= lection for the Wednesday of the seventh week after Easter),
● in John 16:23 (= lection for the Thursday of the seventh week after Easter),
● in 17:1 (= lection for the seventh Sunday after Easter),
● at the beginning of 18:28 (= first segment of the Gospels-lection for the ninth hour of Good Friday),
●  at 19:20 (= lection for the second hour of Good Friday),
● 19:25 – archou (“Resume”) (= first segment of the lection for the ninth hour of Good Friday),
● 19:31 – archou (“Resume”).  (= second segment of the lection for the ninth hour of Good Friday),
● 19:38 (= the beginning of chapter 18, and the fourth in a series of lections (Matthew 27:1-38 + Luke 23:39-43 + Matthew 27:39-54 + John 19:31-37 + Matthew 27:55-61 + First Corinthians 1:18-2:1) in the liturgy for Good Friday).
                                    
            The arrangement of the series of lections in the liturgy for Good Friday – in which John 19:31-37 is flanked by passages from Matthew 27 – probably resembles, approximately, the kind of liturgical arrangement which was expressed in the marginal note that found its way into an ancestor of 2437.  (It could feasibly have been modeled on Tatian’s Diatessaron, which would explain, at least in part, the annotation in 72.)  Such a note could not possibly reach Vaticanus, Sinaiticus, the Middle Egyptian version (as represented by Codex Schøyen 2650, from the 300s), the copies mentioned by Severus, several important Latin Gospels-manuscripts, and the ancestor of over two dozen Byzantine manuscripts (such as 2437) unless somewhere in their ancestry their texts were all influenced by the early introduction of the same (or very similar) notations which expressed the arrangement of text-segments to be read on Good Friday.  This implies that at some point in the 100s, or the early 200s at the latest, a reading-cycle for major Christian feast-days existed; its influence was widespread, and, where it was not understood by copyists, it was capable of impacting the Gospels-text.

   

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Friday, April 14, 2017

Luke 23:34a - Answering the Apologists (Part 2)

          In the previous post, we looked at the external evidence regarding Jesus’ saying from the cross, “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do,” found in Luke 22:34.  We saw that although this sentence is included in 99% of existing Greek manuscripts of the Gospel of Luke, the copyists of six early manuscripts – Papyrus 75, Codex Vaticanus, Codex Bezae, Codex W, Codex Koridethi,  and 070 – did not include it in the text, and because these particular manuscripts constitute early representatives of diverse branches of the text’s transmission, this is seem by some researchers – including James White of Alpha & Omega Ministries – as evidence that the passage was not in the original text.  On the other hand, we also saw that this passage was used by over a dozen patristic writers in the 100’s, 200’s, and 300’s.
            Either these words were put into the text of Luke, or else someone took them out.  A few theories have been proposed as attempts to explain why and how someone would put these words into the text: 
            (1)  After someone in the early church noticed that Jesus made six pronouncements from the cross, he decided that it would be an improvement if Jesus had made seven statements from the cross, so he created one, or borrowed an oral tradition, and put it into the text. 
            (2)  These words circulated in the early church as an agraphon, or unwritten tradition about the sayings of Jesus, and someone, somewhere, decided to put them at this location in the text.
            (3)  A copyist did not want Jesus to appear less forgiving than Stephen, who prayed to Jesus as he was being stoned to death, “Lord, do not hold this sin to their account” (in Acts 7:59-60). 

            Let’s briefly look at each of these theories. 

DID SOMEONE ADD THESE WORDS DUE TO A DESIRE FOR THERE TO BE SEVEN SAYINGS FROM THE CROSS?

            It is intrinsically unlikely that anyone would deliberately invent a saying and insert it into the text just to make the total number of sayings from the cross total seven.  The notion that Jesus only spoke six words from the cross could only exist after all four Gospels were considered a distinct narrative unit – that is, after all four had been composed, collected together, and recognized as specially authoritative – by which time, the individual Gospels would have already circulated for decades, making it difficult for any such novel insertion to suddenly appear and gain acceptance from church leaders such as Irenaeus. 
            Recent supporters of the idea that the sentence was added in order to bring the number of Jesus’ sayings from the cross to a total of seven have pointed to the order in which the sayings appear in Tatian’s Diatessaron (to the extent that it can be reconstructed); however, changes in order in the Diatessaron occur often, and in this case the re-ordering of the sayings from the cross appear to be a side-effect of Tatian’s attempt at chronological harmonization of the four Gospels’ accounts; they are not indicative of any instability in the text, as if the sentence was floating around somewhere further along in Luke 23.       Furthermore, I cannot find any comment by any patristic writer about the significance of there being seven sayings of Christ from the cross.  Without question, people mildly appreciated groups of seven when they found them in the text, but I know of no case whatsoever in which any early Christian writer altered the text to create a total of seven of anything.  (And would this not be intrinsically unsatisfying to the person making the alteration?) 

DID SOMEONE CREATE AN AGRAPHON, WHICH SOMEONE ELSE INSERTED INTO THE TEXT?

            Did someone in the early church value an agraphon (an unwritten tradition consisting of, or centered around, a saying of Jesus) so highly that he thought it should be inserted into the text of the Gospel of Luke?  That is the theory proposed by Bruce Metzger in his Textual Commentary on the United Bible Society’s compilation:  “The logion,” he wrote, “though probably not a part of the original Gospel of Luke, bears self-evident tokens of its dominical origin.” However, there is no physical evidence that this statement ever circulated in any form other than as part of the text of Luke 23:34.  The statement, “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do,” demands a narrative context:  who is being forgiven for what?  It seems unlikely that this sentence would ever circulate without a framework. 
            Several agrapha were mentioned in patristic writings – but the intrusion of an agraphon into the Greek text of the Gospels is exceptionally rare.  Interpolations in Codex Bezae, and Codex W’s “Freer Logion” between Mark 16:14 and 16:15, are almost unique in this respect.  Codex D has interpolated sayings of Jesus after Matthew 20:28, after Luke 6:4, and after John 6:56.  These features – and a few others which resemble parallel-passages – display the influence of a loosely translated and interpolated Old Latin text, which is in the same codex on alternating pages.  But though attested in Codex D, these readings are not in the Byzantine Text, indicating that either copyists possessed considerable resistance against novelties in their exemplars, or that only a very few copyists were reckless enough to insert them in the first place, or both.   
            Consider the curious incident of the saying about money-changers: Γίνεσθε δόκιμοι τραπεζιται (“Be ye approved money-changers”).  Brook Foss Westcott (of Westcott & Hort fame) liked this saying so much that he put it on a preface-page in his Introduction to the Study of the Gospels.  Several patristic writers used it too, including Clement of Alexandria (who referred to it as a saying of Jesus in Stromata 1:28), Origen, Cyril of Jerusalem, Cyril of Alexandria, and even John of Damascus in Orthodox Faith, Book 4, chapter 17 – a composition from the early 700’s). 
            But even though this saying circulated in the churches for over 500 years (and here we are, still discussing it!), how many copyists inserted it into the Greek text of Scripture?  Inasmuch as it appears in no Greek manuscript of any part of the New Testament, the answer seems to be zero.  This does not bode well for the plausibility of the theory that typical copyists were open to the idea of putting additions of any kind into the Greek text of the Gospels.             

DID SOMEONE THINK THAT JESUS SEEMED TO BE LESS FORGIVING THAN STEPHEN, AND CREATED THESE WORDS TO EVEN THE SCORE?   

The idea that someone in the early church created Luke 23:34a so that Stephen would not appear more altruistic than Jesus has several problems.  First, nothing in the account of Stephen’s martyrdom in Acts 7 matches the phrase, “for they know not what they do.”  Second, while the statement of Stephen and the statement in Luke 23:34a are conceptually similar, they are diverse where vocabulary is concerned.  Third, inasmuch as Stephen made his statement a gasp away from death, a person desiring to create a parallel in Luke’s narrative of Jesus’ crucifixion would be more likely to insert it at the point of Jesus’ death, not more than three hours earlier.  Fourth, the actions of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke are repeatedly emulated by Jesus’ followers in the book of Acts; to whatever extent Stephen’s statement in Acts 7:70 resembles Luke 23:34a, it is just the sort of resemblance that points to Luke as the author.

            These proposals do not plausibly explain the ancient and widespread presence of “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do” in the text of Luke.  In addition, an internal feature of the passage constitutes subtle but forceful evidence that it was written by Luke:  it exemplifies Luke’s distinct emphasis on ignorance (the term “ignorance” is used here in its technical sense, not in a derogatory sense) as an extenuating circumstance capable of eliminating or reducing a perpetrator’s guilt. 
            Some examples of this emphasis may be listed:  among the Evangelists, Luke, and Luke alone, records the saying of Jesus in which He establishes different measures of judgment for those who know their master’s will, and for those who do not know it.  In Acts 3:14-7, Luke records Peter’s statement that although members of his audience had “killed the Prince of life,” they had acted in ignorance, and so had their rulers.  He proceeds to invite them to repent.  In Acts 13:27, Luke records Paul’s statement that the inhabitants of Jerusalem and their rulers handed Jesus over to be executed “because they did not know Him.”  And Acts 17:30 – part of Paul’s address to the Athenian philosophers – states, “God overlooked these times of ignorance, but now commands all men everywhere to repent.”
            The probability that someone in the 100’s perceived and mimicked what Eldon Epp has called Luke’s “Ignorance Motif,” and expressed it in a 12-word insertion (with syntax consistent with Luke 11:4), seems very far lower than that alternative explanation that Luke wrote these words.
         
OR:  DID SOMEONE REMOVE THE PASSAGE BECAUSE HE THOUGHT THAT THE JEWS HAD NOT BEEN FORGIVEN?
   
            A strong motivation existed for early copyists to omit these words:  a desire to avoid the impression that Jesus’ prayer had been rejected.  About 40 years after Jesus’ crucifixion, Jerusalem was destroyed by the Romans, and it was devastated again in the Bar Kokhba Revolt.  Hundreds of thousands of Jews were killed; many others were enslaved, and they were deprived of their homeland.  The pagan jibe can easily be written:  “Is this what happens when Jesus asks for people to be forgiven?  Their city is laid waste, and they and their families are slain or enslaved?  His intercession does not seem very effective.”  Even without a pagan around to express the objection, an ordinary reader could perceive a difficulty when comparing Christ’s prayer to the history of the Jews in the century that followed.
            Many early Christian writers considered the Jewish nation corporately responsible for Christ’s death; they interpreted Matthew 27:25 as if it referred to all Jews.  Compositions such as Melito of Sardis’ Easter Homily, a.k.a. Peri Pascha (c. 170) display this interpretation very clearly. Melito, in the course of addressing the Jews in a diatribe, says, “You did not recognize the Lord; you did not know, O Israel, that this one was the firstborn of God” – but he also insists that the Jews should have known, in light of the prophecies about the Messiah.
            Origen, writing Against Celsus (Book 4, chapter 22), similarly regarded the destruction of Jerusalem as divine retribution.   And about 150 years after Origen wrote, John Chrysostom, in Homilies Against the Jews (better titled, Sermons Against Those Who Partake in Jewish Customs), preached that the Jews, collectively, were in a situation similar to that of Cain – guilty but unwilling to admit that they had done wrong – and he advised that Christians should not even pray for them, alluding to Jeremiah 7:16 and 15:1 as justification. 
            So when Chrysostom (or someone whose works have been mixed up with the sermons of Chrysostom) commented on Luke 23:34 in Homily on the Cross and the Robber, he began with the obvious question:  “Did He forgive them the sin?” – and Chrysostom’s answer was that forgiveness was given to those who repented – to Paul, and to the multitudes of Jews who became Christians in the book of Acts – but then, judgment fell.      
            Hippolytus found a simpler solution in the incomplete composition Demonstratio Contra Judaeos; he concluded that Jesus’ prayer was on behalf of the Gentile soldiers who did the actual work of crucifying Him.   
            The unknown author of the Didascalia Apostolorum (c. 250) resorted to a more reckless course:  he altered Jesus’ prayer to make it conditional, like Jesus’ prayer in the Garden of Gethsemane, adding the phrase “if it be possible” – the implication being that just as it turned out to not be possible to let the cup of suffering pass, it was likewise not possible to forgive those responsible for Christ’s crucifixion, in light of their non-repentance.
            This use of the destruction of Jerusalem as an interpretive lens was not limited to commentators of the early church, but also was employed by copyists.  Eldon Epp, in his book, The Theological Tendency of Codex Bezae Cantebrigiensis in Acts, devoted a chapter to the subject of anti-Judaic tendencies in the text of Codex D – i.e., in the Western Text that is displayed in Codex D.  Epp showed that a scribal tendency to alter features in the text that could be understood to excuse or reduce the guilt of the Jews for Jesus’ death is discernible in the Western Text.  (C. K. Barrett wrote a response to Epp’s claim, challenging it, but Barrett’s answers, for the most part, are far from effective; it is like watching someone turn “they killed him” into “those evildoers deliberately rebelled and killed him” and then be told that the person making the changes was just trying to make the sentence more clear.)
            Westcott and Hort, in 1881, had little reason to suspect that the text found in their favorite manuscript could be contaminated with Western readings.  However, the discovery of the Glazier Codex (G67) of Acts shows that the Western Text was used at an early period in Egypt.  (Although James White has spread the claim that “Every one of the papyrus manuscripts we have discovered” represents the Alexandrian text (see KJV-Only Controversy, page 152, 1995 edition), that is simply false; papyri that have a text that is not Alexandrian include P29, P38, P45 (which is quite a substantial manuscript), P48, P54, P59, P69, and P88.) 
            Codex Glazier’s Egyptian text confirms the antiquity of the anti-Judaic tendency that is displayed in the text of Codex Bezae’s Greek and Latin text:  in Acts 10:39, it is not enough to say simply that “they” killed Jesus; there is, in the Glazier Codex, an alteration, specifying that the Jews rejected Him and killed Him.  (According to Epp, this reading is supported by the Old Latin Codex Legionensis, MS VL 67.  Unfortunately this variant was not selected to be mentioned in the apparatus of the 27th edition of the Nestle-Aland Novum Testamentum Graece.)
            Without further ado, let’s consider what all this implies:
            ● The scribes who made the Western form of the text of the Gospels and Acts in the 100’s and 200’s had a bias against the Jews, regarding them as corporately responsible for Christ’s death and understanding the destruction of Jerusalem as evidence that God had not forgiven them.  This affected their treatment of some passages.   
            ● Various patristic writers in the 100’s and 200’s (and later) express the opinion that the Jewish nation as a whole could not have been forgiven for Christ’s crucifixion; those who accept Luke 23:34a tend to feel obligated to explain that it does not mean that the Jews were forgiven then and there.
            ● Some writers altered the text of Luke 23:34a to make it interlock with their understanding that the destruction of Jerusalem signaled that God had not forgiven the Jews.  (The Didascalia added, “if it is possible;” Gregory of Nyssa and others changed “forgive” to “bear with.”)          
            ● In Codex D – the flagship Greek manuscript of the Western Text – Luke 23:34a is absent.  The copyist of D did not create this reading; it is also shared by the Old Latin Codex Vercellensis and the Sinaitic Syriac; these three witnesses echo an older form of the text.   
            ● The Western text, and its creators’ anti-Judaic sentiment, circulated in Egypt, as shown by the Glazier Codex and other evidence. 

            Thus considerable force drives the hypothesis in which Egyptian copyists around the end of the second century were aware of two forms of the text of Luke 23:34 – one (echoed by Sinaiticus, C, L, 33, 892, et al) that contained “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do,” and one (echoed by P75 and Vaticanus), that did not.  But a review of the allies of P75 and B in this case – D, a, d, the Sinaitic Syriac – informs us that this originated as a Western reading. 
            Once this reading (or, rather, this omission) was known in Egypt, it was very difficult for scribes to resist adopting it, because it was consistent with their understanding that the destruction of Jerusalem implied that the Jews, collectively, were unforgiven.  Rather than face the foreseeable jibes and questions that the inclusion of these words would invite, they concluded that such a statement could not be original, and so they adopted the omission (which first emerged in part of the Western Text) into part of the Alexandrian transmission-stream.

          This conclusion – that a scribal prejudice elicited the omission of Luke 22:34a, and the adoption of the omission – is further confirmed by the observation that the sentence is omitted in a smattering of Byzantine manuscripts.  Rather than suggest that these particular copies are somehow genealogically connected to manuscripts such as P75 and B, this shows that a non-textual factor – scribes’ anti-Judaic prejudice – could independently elicit the omission of this sentence in unrelated witnesses.
            Inasmuch as “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do” is in Luke 23:34 in a massive majority of Greek manuscripts representing multiple transmission-branches, as well as in massive versional evidence, and is supported by very ancient and very widespread patristic evidence, and inasmuch as there is compelling evidence that its rival-reading originated as the result of scribes’ prejudice against Jews, I conclude that this sentence is original to Luke. 

            And since it is inspired Scripture, let us not perpetually cause Bible-readers to question its authority by introducing oversimplified footnotes, as if we suffer from the delusion that such vague notes do justice to the evidence.  Let us acknowledge that it is original – and may we therefore be inclined to forgive, and to yearn for the forgiveness of those who do not know their Master’s will.


Wednesday, April 12, 2017

Luke 23:34a - Answering the Apologists (Part 1)

            This week, as Christians contemplate the words spoken by Christ during His crucifixion, we shall take a close look at the textual variant in Luke 23:34a, where, in almost all Greek manuscripts (and in the Latin Vulgate and the Peshitta), these words of Jesus are recorded:  “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do.”  It may seem overly cerebral to offer a technical analysis of these words which convey such a power message about the love of God – but future Bible-readers won’t see that message if it is taken out of their New Testaments, which is what some evangelical apologists would like to do, claiming that Luke did not write it.
            Before we survey the evidence pertaining to this sentence, let’s investigate how a few modern translations treat this passage, remembering that the editors of the 27th edition of the Nestle-Aland Novum Testamentum Graece put it within double-brackets, meaning, according to the Nestle-Aland Introduction, that the words within the brackets “Are known not to be a part of the original text.”     
            ●  The New American Standard Bible (© 1995 by the Lockman Foundation) has no footnote at all to indicate that a textual variant exists at this point.
            ● The 1984 New International Version (no longer in print), had the sentence in the text, with a footnote stating, “Some early manuscripts do not have this sentence.” 
            ● The English Standard Version has a similar footnote, stating that “Some manuscripts” omit the sentence. 
            ● The New Living Translation (© 2004 Tyndale House Publishers) also has a footnote; it says, “This sentence is not included in many ancient manuscripts.”       
            The New Living Translation’s footnote is inaccurate, and it should have been corrected a long time ago. 
            Now suppose someone asked the footnote-writers, “If a dozen manuscripts can be described as ‘many,’ then how should one describe the over one thousand and five hundred Greek manuscripts that include the sentence?”  Their response would doubtlessly be, “Manuscripts must be weighed, not counted” – the most abused axiom ever spoken in the field of New Testament textual criticism. 
            The idea behind that saying is entirely legitimate, in theory:  if one manuscript is shown to be a direct copy of another manuscript, or if two manuscripts are shown to have been copied from another manuscript, then, in the first case, we have a voice and its echo, and in the second case we have a voice with two echoes.  When we have both a manuscript, and its exemplar (that is, the manuscript from which it was copied), we have one witness repeated, rather than two independent witnesses. 
            This principle may be extended to groups of manuscripts which, although none of them is a direct copies of any of the others, share the same meta-textual features:  if they possess the same exact form of canon-tables for the Gospels, the same book-introductions, the same chapter-titles, the same subscription-notes, and the same lection-divisions, it is generally safe to say that they are all twigs on the same branch, so to speak.  This is especially true of manuscripts which exhibit the same commentary in the margin alongside the text or interspersed between blocks of Scripture-text.
            And what is true of meta-textual features is also true of the text:  if, out of a thousand manuscripts, two dozen share the same array of otherwise unattested readings – not just in a few cases which may be explained as randomly recurring scribal errors, but consistently in chapter after chapter – the group of manuscripts with shared rare traits may be considered to be related to each other, like great-grand-children of an ancestor whose rare genetic trait they have all inherited.
            And there is no reason to limit this to small groups.  Large groups of manuscripts which share the same readings are in some sense specially related; at least they are more closely related to each other than to the families of manuscripts that share rare readings. 
            That is the main application of the axiom that manuscripts must be weighed:  it means that manuscripts must be separated into groups, or branches; the voice of the individual manuscript is not regarded as an independent voice when it sings in unison with fellow-manuscripts in the same choir.  Different groups of manuscripts singing different notes – that is, displaying different textual variants – are organized into different groups, providing insights into the contents of their respective ancestor-manuscripts. 
            Other factors – such as a manuscript’s age, the skill of its scribe, and its physical condition – also come into play when assigning “weight” to a manuscript.  The valid objective of this approach is to amplify the ancestral texts that contain the readings shared by distinct groups of manuscripts – to put the focus not on the twigs, but at the points where the branches diverge, so to speak.
            Unfortunately that is not what most of today’s textual critics do.  For over a century, the “weighing” of manuscripts has been more like the handicapping of horses at a crooked race-track:  after several races in which one horse consistently wins, the race-track owners put weights on the other horses, so that the “best” horse wins more and more races – even if they are run at different distances, at different locations, and under different conditions than the races in which that horse won.   
            With that in mind, we come to the external evidence about Luke 23:34a.  In Papyrus 75, Codex Vaticanus, and the earliest stratum of the Sahidic version, the sentence is not there – which implies that these witnesses do not have it because the ancestral text upon which they were based did not have it.  Similarly, Codex Bezae, the Sinaitic Syriac, and Old Latin Codex Vercellensis (from the late 300’s) appear to echo an earlier Western form of the verse that did not have this sentence. 
            Those witnesses are joined by a few other Greek manuscripts – Codex W (which has an essentially Byzantine text in Luke after 8:12), Codex Θ (which is regarded as having a Caesarean text), 070, 579, and 1241 – but without them, it would be clear that the non-inclusion of the sentence is a very ancient reading, apparently traceable to a point in the transmission-stream when the Alexandrian and Western branches had not yet diverged.   
            The word “apparently” should not be overlooked, for the non-inclusion of the sentence is also attested by a smattering of relatively late manuscripts.  If we apply the canon, A reading attested sporadically in unrelated manuscripts tends to be non-original, then this would suggest the existence of a special factor which affected the text of Luke 23:34 in separate branches. 
            But instead of exploring that possibility today, let’s linger over the external evidence a while longer.  While the just-mentioned witnesses lack Luke 23:34a, an imposing array of manuscripts includes the sentence, including Codex Sinaiticus (in which the sentence, after being written by the main copyist, was marked alongside the text with parentheses around each line, after which someone else erased (without complete success) the parentheses-marks) and Codices A, C, N, L, 700, 1424, family 1, and family 13 – plus the Byzantine minuscules, which constitute a huge mass (over 90%) of the Greek manuscripts here.  Most of the Old Latin manuscripts also have the passage.  So do early versions such as the Vulgate, the Palestinian Aramaic version, the Armenian version, the Old Georgian version, and the Ethiopic version.  That covers quite a lot of territory.
            So when this evidence is considered in terms of weight, three Alexandrian heavyweights and three Western heavyweights do not have Luke 23:34a; nor do Codex W and Codex Θ.  On the other hand, one Alexandrian heavyweight (Codex Sinaiticus), most of the Caesarean heavyweights, and all of the Byzantine heavyweights except Codex W include Luke 23:34a.
            However, there is some important and weighty evidence yet to consider:  the patristic evidence.  Where a patristic writer from the 100’s or 200’s makes a specific quotation, it is like finding a small  papyrus fragment embedded in his writings; where a patristic writer from the 300’s makes a specific quotation, it is like an echo of a manuscript from the same time when Codices Vaticanus and Sinaiticus were made.   In addition, the patristic writers’ comments sometimes express difficulties that they had when interpreting a passage – and if a passage seemed problematic to a commentator, the probability is high that it seemed problematic to copyists as well.  (See Wieland Willker’s textual commentary for details about the following patristic references.)
            The patristic evidence shows that “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do” is an extremely ancient reading:
            ● Tatian (170’s) had the sentence in his Diatessaron, as shown by three citations in Ephrem Syrus’ Commentary on the Diatessaron (c. 360). 
            ● Hegesippus (170’s) recorded, according to Eusebius in Ecclesiastical History Book Two (chapter 23), that when James the Just was killed after being thrown from a tower, he prayed, “I entreat you, Lord God our Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do.”  The same anecdote is recorded by Epiphanius (c. 375) in Panarion 77 (Antidicomanians 14:5).
            ● Irenaeus (c. 180), in Against Heresies, Book Three, twice mentions the passage:  in chapter 16, he alludes to Jesus’ prayer that His Father would forgive those who crucified Him; in chapter 18 he quotes Jesus’ words.
            ● Pseudo-Ignatius, in the late 100’s, stated that Jesus prayed for His enemies, “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do.”
            ● Hippolytus (early 200’s) uses the passage in Contra Judaeos 3, in the course of interpreting Psalm 69.  Hippolytus points out that when Jesus said, “Father, forgive them,” those to be forgiven were the Gentiles.  The authorship of Contra Judaeos is disputed; however, Hippolytus also quoted the passage in The Blessings of Jacob and Isaac, in the course of comments about Genesis 27.
            ● The Syriac Didascalia (c. 250) includes the following imprecise but recognizable statement:  “Our Savior made supplication to His Father for those who had sinned, as it is written in the Gospel, ‘My Father, they know not what they do, nor what they speak; yet if it be possible, forgive them.”
            ● Origen (c. 230-250), as translated by Rufinus (in Latin), appears to cite the passage in part of his Homily on Leviticus; however there is a chance that this is a parenthetical comment inserted by Rufinus.  In De Pascha 2:43, a text recovered among the Tura Papyri and published in 1979, Origen appears to utilize the passage. 
            ● Archelaus (late 200’s), in Disputation with Manes, quotes the passage and compares Jesus’ prayer to Moses’ prayer for Pharaoh and the Egyptians.
            ● Eusebius of Caesarea (c. 330) included the passage in his canon-tables, in Canon Ten.
            ● Acts of Pilate/Gospel of Nicodemus (300’s), in chapter 10, uses Jesus’ words in Luke 23:34a along with some of the surrounding text of Luke.
            ● Apostolic Constitutions (c. 380), which depends at some points upon the Syriac Didascalia, quotes the passage more precisely in II:16, and again in V:14.
            ● Ambrose (late 300’s), in his Commentary on Job, cites this passage twice (in 2:6 and 5:12).
            ● Many others use the passage – all without raising any question about its genuineness:  Gregory of Nyssa (late 300’s), Hilary (c. 350), Acts of Philip (300’s), Clementine Recognitions (300’s), Chrysostom – several times (c. 400), Pseudo-Justin (c. 400), Jerome, in Ad Hedibiam (c. 400), Hesychius (early 400’s), Augustine (early 400’s), and Theodoret (c. 450).  The only writer who challenges the sentence’s right to be in the text is Cyril of Alexandria (c. 425) – hardly surprising considering his location – as reported by the writer Oecumenius, around the year 600, in Asia Minor, in his commentary on Revelation.  In the course of commenting on the first part of Revelation 7, Oecumenius cites Luke 23:34a and mentions that “Although Cyril, in the thirteenth book of Against Julian, says that this prayer of the Lord is not found in the Gospels, we use it nevertheless.”     
            Now that we have some idea of the scope of early evidence in favor of the inclusion of this passage – for in the case of most of these patristic references, it is perfectly clear that Luke 23:34a was in the Gospels-manuscripts used by the writer, and that he expected the passage to be found in his readers’ copies as well – we can proceed, in the following post, to analyze the treatment of the passage in more detail.  First, though, as I conclude today, I wish to address a claim that Alan Kurschner recently made. 
            At James White’s Alpha & Omega website, Kurschner stated:  “If this is an excision,” – that is, if the sentence is original and has been removed in the early Alexandrian text – “it is difficult to explain its omission in toto from an anti-Judaic tendency of a scribe. There are examples in which over-pious scribes in the copying process would omit a single word with theological, pious, or “harshness” effects. . . . Surely then, we should see at least one example of a witness altering Jesus’ prayer for theological reasons. But this is not the case; the witnesses either omit the prayer all together, or it is all intact.”

            However, not only does this line of reasoning seem circular – claiming that copyists could not remove a sentence because copyists did not remove sentences – but according to Nathan Eubank in a detailed 2010 essay about this variant-unit, Epiphanius altered the wording slightly, so as to say, “Father, yield to them,” or, “Father, be patient with them” – a shift from ἄφες to συγχώρησον.  This is how Gregory of Nyssa cited the passage as well.   This little clue provides some guidance about the significance of some other patristic treatments of the passage – as we shall see, God willing, in the next post.

Wednesday, February 24, 2016

Lectionary 35: A Neatly Written Treasure

 
The beginning of the lection for the
Feast of the Transfiguration (Mt. 17:1ff.)
in Lectionary 35.  (Facsimile)
        Lectionary 35 is a beautifully written Greek uncial lectionary from the 900’s.  It is part of the Vatican Library’s manuscript collection, and is cataloged there as Vat. gr. 351.  Unlike full Synaxarions or Menologions (the main two kinds of lectionaries – for the movable days, calculated from Easter, and for the celebrations assigned to specific dates– Lectionary 35 contains a total of only 25 lections:  the twelve major feasts (the Δωδεκάορτον), ten of the eleven morning-time Resurrection lections (the Heothina series), and lections for Palm Sunday and Maundy Thursday.  
          Each lection is preceded by its own headpiece – framing the title on three sides, north-east-west.  Most of the headpieces are simple frames, but they vary; some have braids and others are more ornate.  Gold, green, and blue are the main colors.  Within the headpieces, each lection-title is written in golden ink.  The main text is written in a very dark brown (almost black) ink.  Initials at the beginnings of lections are large, multi-colored (mainly gold) and simply decorated; the initial tau sometimes has a face, and sometimes is entwined by a serpent (probably to suggest the typology of John 3:14-15).  Smaller initials are red. 
          Red markings appear throughout the manuscript to assist the lector.  The text is Byzantine with some itacistic variants.  A four-petal blossom-symbol separates sentences.  There are no margin-notes, and, as far as I could tell in my brief examination of the manuscript, no corrections.   
          According to Scrivener, Lectionary 35 measures 13 and ¼ inches tall and 9 and ⅞ inches wide.  Even though the lettering is exceptionally large, with only 10 or 11 lines on each page, the margins are wide on all outer sides. 
          The letter-forms are designed to maximize legibility.  Look at the facsimile for examples of the “hammock mu,” the “cocoon nu,” and the “spaded omega.”
          The extant pages of Lectionary 35 are in remarkably clean condition; damage is minimal.  Possibly the copyist’s failure to include Heothina #6 caused the manuscript to be set aside shortly after its production, and it was never supplemented.          
          Digital images of Lectionary 35 (Vat.gr. 351) are online at the website of the Vatican Library.  The beginnings of each of its lections can be seen via the following index of links:
          
The Major Feasts:

The Morning-time Series on the Resurrection:
(Heothinon #6 - Luke 24:36-52 - is missing.  Apparently it was accidentally skipped during production.
       Jn. 20:1 (#7) (87v)

Lections for Easter-week
       Mt. 26:1 (Maundy Thursday) (120r).  The text continues through 131v (which is the last page with text; the last line ends near the end of Matthew 26:72).

           In Lectionary 35, as in most lectionaries which include lections for Easter-time, the lection for Maundy Thursday combines passages in a way which, in a roundabout way, may be highly relevant to the study of two major textual variants:  John 7:53-8:11 and Luke 22:43-44.  Lectionary 35 is a convenient lectionary to use to show this combination due to its remarkable legibility.  
          After Mt. 26:20, the text jumps smoothly to John 13:3 and continues through John 3:17.  Then the text jumps back to Matthew 26:21 and proceeds from there.
          After the end of Mt. 26:39, the text jumps to Lk. 22:43.  After the text of Luke 22:43-45a, kai anastas apo ths proseuchs (And rising up from prayer), the text jumps back to Mt. 26:40 (at ercetai).           The jump to and from John 13:3-17 (the Foot-washing lection) is interesting because it shows that the transplantation of a passage such as John 7:52-8:11 may be due to the influence of the lection-cycle, rather than to the passage’s status as a “floating anecdote” from a non-Scriptural source (as is frequently claimed).  
          In manuscript 225 (made in 1128), John 13:3-17 appears in the text of the Gospel of Matthew following Mt. 26:20.  This adaptation, in which a passage was transplanted from its usual location to a different location, made the lector’s job a little easier when, instead of using a lectionary, he was reading from a continuous-text copy of the Gospels; the lector would not have to jump around the text so much.  (The copyist of 225 also moved John 7:53-8:11 to follow John 7:36, so that it would precede, rather than interrupt, the Pentecost-lection.)  Likewise the transplant of John 7:53-8:11 (to the end of the Gospel of John, or to the end of Luke 21, or to a location before or after the lection for Pentecost (that is, either after Jn. 7:36, or after Jn. 8:12) does not necessarily imply that it was ever a “floating anecdote” but, instead, that its dislocation was the result of the format of the Pentecost-lection, in which the lector read John 7:37-52 and then skipped the next 12 verses, and resumed by reading Jn. 8:12.
          The dislocation of Luke 22:43-44 into the text of the Gospel of Matthew (after Mt. 26:39) in the family-13 group of manuscripts is similarly explained as a transplant provoked by lection-usage for one of the major feasts.  Taking this a bit further, one may deduce that there are reasonable grounds to suspect that the absence of these two verses in some of the earliest manuscripts of Luke is a side-effect an adaptation in a very early lection-cycle. 
           It is possible that insights into early lection-cycles may explain other textual variants.  Although lectionaries are sometimes considered relatively minor witnesses to the New Testament text, it seems clear that significant insights may be gained by the study of manuscripts such as Lectionary 35.