Followers

Saturday, May 20, 2017

The Case for Christ: What It Gets Wrong About Greek Manuscripts

David Wood offers a thorough review of
The Case for Christ
.
 A recent movie called The Case for Christ depicted the testimony of Lee Strobel, an investigative reporter who starts out the movie as an atheist but ends up convinced that Christianity is true after he conducts an investigation into the evidence for the resurrection of Christ.  I enjoyed the movie and recommend it for adults; those interested may benefit from David Wood’s review.  Here, I want to focus on one particular point in the movie that seems capable of improvement:  the treatment of New Testament manuscript evidence.
            More than once in the movie, the existence of 5,843 Greek New Testament manuscripts is emphasized.  Since this is a much greater number of manuscripts than what we have for any other ancient composition, Strobel accepts this (in the movie, and in the identically titled book) as evidence of the reliability of the New Testament text.  There is a high risk that this is going to give many audience-members and readers a false impression – one that is liable to be taken advantage of by aggressive anti-Christian writers.   To acquire a more focused picture of the New Testament manuscript evidence, and its implications, here are a few points to keep in mind.

● A manuscript of part of the New Testament is not the same as a manuscript of the entire New Testament.  For example, the earliest New Testament manuscript is probably either Papyrus 52 or Papyrus 104 – but they are both small fragments.  They tell us nothing about the accuracy of the transmission of the books of the New Testament that they do not represent.  So, comparisons between “the New Testament” collectively, and single compositions from the ancient world, are sort of unfair; it would be better to separate the individual New Testament books, and go from there when making  comparisons.      

● The vast majority of Greek manuscripts supports the Byzantine Text.  Generally, 85% of the existing Greek manuscripts of the New Testament agree at any given point.  If we were to compile a Greek text by adopting the reading with the most support, the resultant compilation would be very stable, and even where a measure of instability would still exist (in some cases where there are three or more rival variants) the options tend to yield trivial differences in their meaning.  The 2005 Robinson-Pierpont Byzantine Textform is such a compilation.

● Most English translations of the New Testament are based on minority-texts at points where the Byzantine and Alexandrian text-types disagree with one another.  The New International Version, the English Standard Version, the New Living Translation, and the New Revised Standard Version are all based primarily on editions of the Nestle-Aland compilation, which, despite being compiled via a method called “reasoned eclecticism,” almost always rejects the majority-reading (that is, the Byzantine reading) in favor of the reading in the flagship manuscripts of the Alexandrian family of manuscripts. 
            Let me take a moment to zoom in on this point.  The King James Version is sometimes criticized because in a few passages, its base-text (the Textus Receptus) has little or no Greek manuscript support.  However, it is no exaggeration to say that if one were to select 20 places at random in the Gospels, where the KJV and NIV are based on different Greek readings that have an impact on translation, we would find that in 9 out of 10 cases, the reading in the Textus Receptus is supported by at least 85% of the Greek manuscripts.   At some points that percentage rises above 99%.
            Promoters of the NIV, ESV, etc., have frequently pointed out that during the centuries after the King James Version was made in 1611, many more manuscripts have been discovered.  What they tend not to say, though, is that most of those manuscripts contain the Byzantine Text, and thus agree with the KJV’s base-text much more than they agree with the compilation(s) upon which the NIV, ESV, etc., are based.  My point being that it is inconsistent to argue for the reliability of the New Testament by an appeal to the existence of 5,843 manuscripts, and then turn around and reject 85% of those manuscripts by consistently favoring minority-readings, which is precisely what one does when using the NIV, ESV, NLT, etc.
            In his book, Strobel states that the differences between New Testament manuscripts are “as minor as a few typos in a few insignificant words in an entire Sunday newspaper.”  That is simply not true.  He also compares the transmission of the New Testament text to a game of telephone in which, at the end of the game, 29 out of 30 telephone-game players say the same thing.  The problem is that the illustration does not hold, as far as the base-text of the NIV is concerned:  in the base-text of the New International Version New Testament that Lee Strobel uses, 29 out of 30 manuscripts are routinely rejected in favor of Alexandrian minority-readings.  

● The compilers of the New Testament base-text of the NIV, ESV, etc., consistently rejected the Byzantine Text, favoring the Alexandrian Text instead – especially when it is supported by Codex Vaticanus.  The case for the Alexandrian Text was set forth in 1881 by F. J. A. Hort – not on the basis of the greater number of the Alexandrian manuscripts (because then, like now, they formed only a small minority), and not because of the greater age of Codex Vaticanus (because Hort granted that manuscripts with an essentially Byzantine Text were circulating at the same time Codex Vaticanus was made), but on the basis of cumulative evidence drawn from the intrinsic qualities of rival readings.  Much more could be said about this, but the thing to see today is that ever since 1881, a working premise of New Testament textual criticism as practiced by the compilers of the Nestle-Aland Novum Testamentum Graece has been that if one variant is supported by a thousand manuscripts, and another variant is supported by ten manuscripts, the variant supported by ten manuscripts is probably original if Codex Vaticanus is among those ten.

Papyrus 52 - maybe the earliest known manuscript
with text from the New Testament
.
● The relatively recent claim that the New Testament’s manuscript-support is closer to its composition-date than any other literary work of ancient times is probably not true.  When Papyrus 52 (also known as John Rylands Greek Papyrus 457) was identified by C. H. Roberts as a fragment of the Gospel of John, some apologists began crowing about how this new discovery confirms that there is only a 40-year gap between the production of the New Testament, and its earliest extant manuscript – a gap far less than there is for any other work of ancient times.  However, this is not all that significant.
            Papyrus 52 was assigned a production-date in the first half of the second century due to palaeographical considerations – that is, via a comparison of its script to the scripts used in other manuscripts in various eras.  But if we reckon that a copyist’s handwriting stayed relatively the same, and that we have no means to deduce how old a copyist was when he made a particular manuscript, and if we also reckon that a copyist might live another 50 years after the beginning of his career as a copyist, then there is potentially a 100-year swing, 50 years each way, built into palaeographically assessed estimates of when a manuscript was made.  That is, when other factors are not in the picture, a production-date deduced exclusively from palaeographic evidence could be off by 100 years.  So in the case of Papyrus 52, saying that it was made “in about 125” could mean that it was made 50 years earlier (although that is precluded by the point that the Gospel of John itself is traditionally given a production-date around AD 90), or 50 years later.               
            Thus, while Papyrus 52 might have been made just two or three decades after the Gospel of John was composed, it is also true that Papyrus 52 might have been produced in the 170’s.  To ask for greater precision in the estimate is like asking researchers to tell us the age of the copyist. 
            Meanwhile, consider Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 412, which consists of a fragment from the composition Kestoi, by the Christian author Julius Africanus.   Julius Africanus died in 240, and probably wrote Kestoi after 221.  This fragment was a scroll – and in its present condition, while it has part of Kestoi on one side, the other side has a cursive text that includes its own composition-date, approximately:  in the reign of the Emperor Tacitus, who ruled in 275-276.  This means that in 275-276, someone recycled pages from a copy of Kestoi – a composition which had only been composed about 50 years earlier.     
            In 1903 when this text was first published in the Oxyrhynchus Papyri Series, Volume 3, Grenfell and Hunt affirmed that “it is separated by little more than a generation at most” from the time when Africanus wrote it.  They also observed that despite its close chronological proximity to the autograph of Kestoi, Oxyrhynchus Papyri 412, “The text is far from being a good one; several lines of the incantation especially are corrupt, and one of them is incomplete.”  (Similarly, in Papyrus 52, the copyist seems to have skipped two words in John 18:37, εις τουτο (“for this”).  This illustrates a point that should be taught and retaught:  neither the quantities of manuscripts that favor one variant over its rivals, nor the age of the attestation of readings, should be considered a sufficient and decisive factor by itself when comparing textual variants.
            So, we have a copy of at least one ancient composition (Julius Africanus’Kestoi –) that is extant in a copy extremely close to the composition’s production-date – probably closer than Papyrus 52 is to the production-date of the Gospel of John.  And this is not the only such case:  Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 405 (published in the same 1903 volume of Grenfell and Hunt’s series) was not initially recognized by Grenfell and Hunt, who stated that its uncial script “is not later than the first half of the third century, and might be as old as the latter part of the second.”  Before the year was over, though, J. Armitage Robinson had not only identified it as a fragment of the Greek text of Irenaeus’ composition Against Heresies, Book Three – to be precise, 3:9:2-3, a passage in which Irenaeus quotes Matthew 3:16-17 – but he also had his findings published in the journal Athenaeum (on page 548 of the October 24, 1903 issue). 
            Notably, the text of Matthew 3:17 as cited in Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 405 does not say Ουτός ἐστιν (“This is” My beloved Son) but, instead, Σὺ ει (“You are” My beloved Son).  One could, perhaps use this as evidence that the earliest manuscript of Matthew 3:17 disagrees with the majority of manuscripts and with the Alexandrian manuscripts, in favor of the Western text attested in Codex Bezae (although it agrees with the Byzantine and Alexandrian manuscripts, disagreeing with Codex Bezae, where it does not have Codex D’s phrase πρὸς αυτόν (“to Him”)).  
            Via a consideration of these points I hope that readers may see that it is an oversimplification to treat either the quantities of manuscripts, or the ages of specific manuscripts, as if that is automatic vindication of either a particular reading, or a particular collection of readings.  Where our 5,843 Greek manuscripts concur regarding the meaning of a particular passage, there is no scientific impetus to seek some other sense, except in very rare cases where conjectural emendation may be considered (and even then, I would decline to put any conjectural emendation into the text – unlike the current editors of the Nestle-Aland compilation).  That is about all that should be extrapolated from the existence of that multitude of manuscripts.

Thursday, May 11, 2017

Syriac New Testament MSS at Saint Catherine's Monastery

            The collection of page-views of manuscripts at Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount Sinai housed at the Library of Congress includes not only Greek manuscripts, and Georgian manuscripts, but also Syriac manuscripts.  A series of links to the Syriac New Testament manuscripts in the collection is at the end of this post.
            How important is Syriac evidence?  Very important.  To find out more about the Syriac Versions – the Old Syriac, the Peshitta, the Harklean Syriac, and more – here are links to a few resources:
            The Bible in the Syriac Tradition, by Sebastian Brock
            The Fourfold Gospels in the Writings of Ephrem, by Matthew Crawford.
            Syriac Versions of the New Testament, by Peter Williams
            ENTTC Entry:  Syriac Versions, by Robert Waltz
            1915 ISBE Entry:  Syriac Versions, by Thomas Nicol
            Two Memoirs on the Syriac Version, by John Gwynn
            English Translations of the Peshitta Version, at Dukhrana.com

In addition, if you are hungry for additional Syriac resources:
            Sebastian Brock has provided a collection of Syriac resources, including information on patristic writers such as Cyrillona and Isaac of Antioch, who are not even named in the list of cited authors in UBS4.
            Hugoye:  Journal of Syriac Studies, is crammed with articles keeping readers up to date about Syriac discoveries and research, especially regarding Syriac patristic writings.
            George al-Banna has a series of video lessons on how to read Syriac.
            The Meltho font may be useful if you want to write Syriac electronically.

Here are links to the page-views of over 50 manuscripts in the collection at Saint Catherine’s Monastery.  (If a date-assignment appears to be an estimate, it is.)

MS 2:  Four Gospels (500’s)  This is a very early copy of the Peshitta Gospels.
MS 3:  Pauline Epistles  (c. 500)  This is the same manuscript as Schøyen MS 2530.  Andreas Juckel has made a thorough analysis and full collation of this manuscript’s text.
MS 12:  Lectionary and Gospel of Luke (600’s)            
MS 13:  Lectionary of Gospels and Epistles (1000)              
MS 15:  Acts and Epistles (700’s)     
MS 17:  Syriac New Testament (800’s)             
MS 21:  New Testament Lectionary (1000’s)           
MS 30:  Lives of Holy Women and Four Gospels (Sinaitic Syriac Palimpsest) (400)  This is the famous (or infamous) Sinaitic Syriac palimpsest; its upper writing tells about events in the lives of some Christian ladies; the harder-to-see lower writing is the (incomplete) Gospels, from about 400.  This manuscript’s Gospels-text is closely related to the text in the (also incomplete) Curetonian Syriac Gospels manuscript.
MS 32: Lectionary:  Gospels and Epistles (1000’s)           
MS 45:  Apostolos (1043)                                     
MS 49:  Lectionary (1100-1300)
MS 65 Gospels-Lectionaryand Kanonarion (1000)                
MS 74:  Four Gospels (1200)              
MS 75:  Lectionary (Acts and Epistles) (1295)             
MS 81:  Lectionary (Epistles) (1232)               
MS 92:  Praxapostolos (1291)              
MS 100:  Lectionary (Acts and Epistles) (1200)                    
MS 120:  Lectionary(Acts and Epistles) (1100)              
MS 134:  Gospels (Matthew and Mark) (1200)                   
MS 135:  Four Gospels (1100-1300)     
MS 145:  Four Gospels (1188)
MS 159:  Gospels (Matthew and John) 1260                    
MS 205:  Four Gospels (1300’s)
MS 214:  Lectionary (Acts and Epistles) (1200’s)           
MS 215:  Praxapostolos (1219)             
MS 216:  Praxapostolos (1200)             
MS 218:  Praxapostolos (1200)             
MS 219:  Lectionary (Gospels) (1200’s)           
MS 222:  Praxapostolos (1267)             
MS 227:  Praxapostolos (1293)             
MS 229:  Praxapostolos (1200’s)          
MS 231:  Four Gospels (1200’s)           
MS 235:  Praxapostolos (1215)              
MS 236:  Lectionary (Gospels) (1294)              
MS 238:  Lectionary (Gospels) (1200’s)
MS 259:  Gospels (Luke and John) (1200’s)           
MS 269:  Lectionary (Gospels) (1100-1300)       
MS 271:  Lectionary (Gospels) (1288)              
            Image 105, with asterisks and rubrics      
MS 272:  Four Gospels (1296)              

Also:

MS 16:  Patristica and Profana (600’s)             
MS 24:  Works of Mar Isaac et al (900’s)            
MS 28:  Book of Kings (700’s)             
MS 35:  First Samuel (600’s)             
MS 56:  Patristica,Works of John Climacus et al (700’s)             
MS 67:  Works of Mar Ephrem (800’s)             

And if that’s not enough, the contents of more Syriac manuscripts, from other places, can be accessed at MSS-Syriaques and at the Mingana Collection.




Wednesday, May 10, 2017

Georgian New Testament MSS at Saint Catherine's Monastery


Sinai Georgian MS 16 - Image 277.
from the Library of Congress
Collection of Manuscripts in
St. Catherine's Monastery, Mt. Sinai
            The Georgian version of the New Testament is one of the least-researched areas in New Testament textual criticism.  The Library of Congress recently released page-images of some important Georgian manuscripts that are housed at Saint Catherine’s Monastery; a list of some of them is included at the end of this post. 
            What do we know about the Georgian version of the New Testament?  A few brief points should be enough to convey the basics about what we know, and what we would like to know, about the Georgian version of the New Testament.  If you would like more details, see Jeff Childers’ chapter on the Georgian version in The Text of the New Testament in Contemporary Research (1995). 

● Like Greek, the Georgian language is written in different scripts.  The script called asomt‘avruli is analogous to Greek uncials.  The kut‘xovani (“angled”) script is analogous to Greek minuscule lettering.  It is also called nuskhuri.  In the Middle Ages, both of these scripts became antique as the military script, mxedruli, began to dominate, and it is still essentially the Georgian script in use today.  

Also, though not particularly significant for New Testament research, there is another way to classify Georgian scripts:  the Georgian letter xani was used as a prefix in the 300’s-600’s.  This prefix was then replaced by the letter hae, h, until the 800’s, at which point it also fell into disuse.  Georgian script that uses the xan-prefix is called xanmeti; script that uses the hae-prefix is called haemeti.   

● Georgian New Testament manuscripts tend to be either manuscripts of the four Gospels or of Acts and the Epistles, and one should not assume that the different parts share the same text-type.  Although it is generally agreed that the Georgian version was made sometime in the 400’s, we do not have very many substantial early Georgian manuscripts, so it is not easy to discern what kind of readings the earliest Georgian text contained.  Only faint hints can be gained by consulting quotations that appear in Georgian literature, such as The Martyrdom of Saint Shushanik, a composition from the 400’s, probably.  The best impression that the presently available evidence gives is that the Georgian version of the Gospels – like the Armenian version, in some respects – circulated in two forms not long after it was first created. 

Sinai Georgian MS 16 - Image 322.
from the Library of Congress Collection of Manuscripts in
St. Catherine's Monastery, Mt. Sinai
● An assortment of linguistic clues (such as unusual renderings in Georgian that are explained as mistranslations of Armenian terms) has contributed to a consensus that the Georgian version of the Gospels was initially translated from Armenian, and that the Georgian text was then revised, reflecting the revision of the Armenian text.  Between the representatives of the first form of the Armenian Gospels-text, and representatives of the first form of the Georgian Gospels-text, the Georgian remains are more substantial, and so, despite being a translation of a translation, the Georgian Gospels-text has something to offer that is text-critically interesting:  echoes of whatever text (probably something in Syriac) was used in the early 400’s as the initial basis for the Armenian Gospels.  The early Georgian version is also a major witness, albeit indirect, to the Greek Caesarean Gospels-text that was used after 430 to revise the Armenian text.

● It was once assumed that the Georgian text of the Epistles shared the same general pattern of Armenian-based development and revision, but that is probably not the case.  Georgian monks came into contact with monasteries outside the borders of Georgia almost as soon as the Gospels were translated, if not sooner – and the Greek manuscripts at those monasteries were not ignored by the Georgians.  Access to those texts apparently caused the early Georgian translators to adopt a distinctly different base-text for the Epistle (and probably also for Acts).  Textually, the early Georgian version of the Epistles is related to the Greek text of Codex Coislinianus (H, 015).     

● The Georgian text of the Gospels was repeatedly revised (sometimes, apparently, as little more than some monks’ isolated project) until the revisions that were undertaken in 1000’s.  At that time, Euthymius the Athonite (so-named because he resided at Mount Athos, in northeastern Greece) attempted to systematically correct the text of the Gospels to Greek exemplars there.  In addition, he translated the book of Revelation into Georgian, from a Greek base-text resembling what was circulated alongside the commentary of Andreas.  After Euthymius, George (or Giorgi) the Athonite tidied up Euthymius’ work, favoring a Byzantine standard.  Yet Giorgi’s revision-work was not quite definitive (although it eventually dominated all other revisions); another monk named Ephrem the Small brought the Georgian text even closer to a Byzantine standard in the late 1000’s. 

            Thus, the Georgian text of the Gospels should be considered stratified:   in the 1000’s a Byzantine layer intruded upon and overwhelmed (mostly) the earlier levels, the better-represented of which is a strong Caesarean witness.  The affinities of the less-attested early form are not altogether clear, but continued study of Old Georgian witnesses such as the Khanmeti Gospels Lectionary from the 700’s, as well as some palimpsests, may provide some more information about that.


            Here are links to the collections of page-views of some of the microfilm images, from the Library of Congress, of Georgian manuscripts housed at Saint Catherine’s Monastery on Mount Sinai.
Sinai Georgian MS 39 - Image 122.
from the Library of Congress Collection of Manuscripts in
St. Catherine's Monastery, Mt. Sinai

MS 63:  Gospels-Lectionary             

 

Saturday, May 6, 2017

Greek New Testament Manuscripts at Saint Catherine's Monastery

            The Museum of the Bible is scheduled to open in Washington, D.C. in November of 2017 – but did you know that there is already a major collection of images of 200 Bible manuscripts in that city?  Well, there is!  It’s in the archives of the Library of Congress.  Researcher Alin Suciu recently pointed out that an important part of those archives, containing images of the manuscript-collection at Saint Catherine’s Monastery (at Mount Sinai in the Sinai Peninsula), has been made available to view online. 

            These images – mostly black and white photographs and microfilm – are the results of a very thorough project that was undertaken in the 1940’s and 1950’s at the monastery.  Biblical texts, patristic writings, liturgical texts, ceremonial chants, service-books, and manuscripts of other kinds were all included.  The Library of Congress Photoduplication Service, the American Foundation for the Study of Man, and the Farouk I University (now the University of Alexandria) were the institutional sponsors. 
The Thomas Jefferson Building,
home of the Library of Congress.
            Here is a list of New Testament manuscripts in the Library of Congress’ collection of manuscript-images from St. Catherine’s Monastery (along with a few other interesting manuscripts).  Each continuous-text manuscript is identified by its catalog-number at Saint Catherine’s as recorded in the Library of Congress archives and by its Gregory-Aland identification number (if it has one).  Embedded links lead to the images themselves.  Occasionally I have included both a link to a manuscript’s main access-page and to a page-image with a particularly interesting feature, or (in cases where there is an abundance of preliminary material) to the beginning of the Biblical text. 
            Only a few Psalters are included in this list, but readers should be aware that Greek Psalters often are supplemented with Odes which include selections from the opening chapters of Luke.   
            A note about terminology:  Four Gospels and Letters of Paul and New Testament describe a continuous-text manuscript.  Evangelion, Praxapostolos, and Apostolos describe lectionaries.   

Psalm 1.   Uncial script begins on Image 57.


         
            
          




(Quatrefoil framework for Ad Carpian, elaborate canon-tables, and arched miniatures.)













            
          



           
















            


MS 191 (GA 1228): Four Gospels (fragmentary):        


         




            


            


           
             
             



Exquisite frontispiece.


Sloping uncial script.  Assigned to the 700’s.

Sloping uncial script for main text; 
upright for rubrics.  (Take a close look; some pages are recycled.)

Sloping uncial script.  Assigned to the 600’s.

Uncials; some lettering is drawn.  
Some initials are very large and elaborate.  
Made in 967.

Uncial script.

Upright uncial script.






























            












         

            





MS 269 (GA 1250):  New Testament.  
             
MS 270 (GA 1251):  New Testament (a remarkably tidy script.)    








                                           























             
(The second part has selections from the ends of the Gospels)

Similarities in a full-page illustration suggest a relationship to GA 157.


The opening pages display a sloping uncial script.

Sloping uncial script.

Sloping uncial script.

Beautiful early minuscule  script.








MS 1592:  Evangelion (made in 1563)  


           
            

MS 1993:  Four Gospels (made in 1555)  
           
           






Royal manuscript, with illustrations.

           
Also: 

MS 1187:   Old Testament History.  Abundantly illustrated.
           
Arabic MS 124:  Evangelion  (This text is Greek.)
          
Arabic MS 172:  Apostolos  (This text is Greek.)
            (Praxapostolos?):  
           A fly-leaf may constitute a separate Greek fragment-manuscript.

●●●●●●●

Each Greek manuscript’s page-views can be accessed by clicking on the embedded links above.  With a little experimentation, you will see that the Library of Congress site allows you to download images, and to view the page-views in several ways (as lists, or in a grid, for example).  Even though these are black and white pictures, they are good pictures nevertheless.  This collection of almost 200 Greek manuscripts (and there many more, if one were to include the liturgical texts that have Scripture-passages in them) should be a useful resource for years and years to come.  





            

Monday, May 1, 2017

Book Review: Meetings With Remarkable Manuscripts

            Those who have read Christopher de Hamel’s 2001 The Book.  A History of the Bible or his 2011 Bibles – An Illustrated History from Papyrus to Print (or any of his other books about medieval manuscripts) may have wished that they could have lingered longer over a select few of the hundreds of manuscripts that are mentioned therein.  Such readers get their wish in De Hamel’s latest work, Meetings With Remarkable Manuscripts.  Twelve medieval manuscripts – of which a few are Biblical texts – are closely examined and their history is explored. 
            Following a brief preface in which Dr. de Hamel explains how to collate a manuscript (he is describing a general collation – counting pages and quires – not the sort of meticulous textual comparisons done for New Testament manuscripts), he devotes a chapter to each of the following manuscripts:  the Gospels of Saint Augustine, Codex Amiatinus , the Book of Kells, the Leiden Arata, the Morgan Beatus, Jerome’s Commentary on Isaiah (Bodley 717), the Copenhagen Psalter, the Carmina Burana, the Book of Hours of Jeanne de Navarre, the Hengwrt Chaucer, the Visconti Semideus, and the Spinola Book of Hours.  All of these manuscripts can be viewed via these embedded links.  
            Each one has a claim to fame of some sort.  In the chapter about the Book of Hours of Jeanne de Navarre, not only do we see some excellent illustrations, framed within barbed quatrefoils, but we also learn about this book’s relatively recent history; it was thought to have been lost or destroyed in World War II after being looted by the Nazis and seized by Hermann Göring, but it survived, and was placed in the National Library of France in 1973.
            For New Testament researchers, the first three chapters are by far the most interesting – not only because of the details about these manuscripts’ contents, but also because of the information and measured deductions about their relationships to other manuscripts.   Examples of data-nuggets include these observations:
            ● The text in the Gospels of Saint Augustine not only echoes a very early Vulgate text but occasionally contains Old Latin readings shared in the homilies of Gregory the Great.  This manuscript has a page of illustrations somewhat like comic-book panels depicting events in the life of Christ (125r).  Constantine Tischendorf inspected the manuscript and signed his name on a flyleaf in the back in 1865.
            De Hamel shares an anecdote about the time when he, as the curator of the Parker Library, was entrusted with the care of the Saint Augustine’s Gospels when the manuscript was used in 2003 at the enthronement-ceremony of Rowan Williams as Archbishop of Canterbury.  As he was carrying the manuscript in a formal procession, and the congregation sang the hymn, Immortal, Invisible, God Only Wise,” its thin parchment pages “hummed and fluttered in time with the music,” as if the manuscript had come to life. 
            ● Codex Amiatinus descends from a Latin Bible used by Cassiodorus (485-580).  It was made at Jarrow, in Britain, before the Vikings’ onslaught of the town in 794.  It weights a little over 75 pounds.
Snake-tailed Cat is not amused.
In the Book of Kells,
this creature rests his paws
on the text of Matthew 26:2.
           ● On a typical page of the Book of Kells – considered by many to be the most beautiful book in the world – “The decoration is more extensive and more overwhelming than one could possibly imagine.”  This Gospels-manuscript is famous for its meticulous artwork and super-elaborate and unexpected details.  (How many cats are in this manuscript?  There’s Grumpy Cat (180v), Purple Cat (272r), Blue Cat (50v), Leaping Cat (40r), Tail-biting Cat (66r), Leg-biting Cat (68r), Cat with Eagle (69r), Cat with Fish (71r), Fat-tongued Cat (72v), Snake-tailed Cat (111r), and many more.)  But the Book of Kells is also interesting textually; for example, it has the Alexandrian expansion of Matthew 27:49 (125v).         
            The manuscript featured in chapter 4 is also of special interest to readers of the New Testament:  it contains a Latin poem that is an interpolated translation of the Greek composition Phaenomena, by Aratus of Soli (315-240 B.C.) – which was quoted by Paul in Acts 17:28 during his discourse to the Athenian philosophers.  Its opening lines might be paraphrased as follows:
            Let us begin with Zeus,  
            Whose name we mortals never cease to praise
            in every street and marketplace of man.
            For everywhere is Zeus,
            in all the sea, and to the farthest bays,
            and ever do we need the help of Zeus.
            For we his offspring are,
            and he in kindness favors us with signs,
            awakens us, and sends us to our work.
This manuscript also features pictures of various constellations, and a geocentric diagram of the earth, sun, moon, planets, and zodiac constellations.

            The other manuscripts featured in this lavishly illustrated book are interesting due to their historical or literary importance, or because they are simply beautifully made.  The most unusual one in the collection – the Carmina Burana, made in the 1200’s as a collection of love poems, humorous verses, pious songs, some quite unpious songs, and even a composition about chess – enjoys more popularity now than it ever did in the Middle Ages, since part of it forms the basis for a famous musical composition by Carl Orff.
            Dr. de Hamel has traveled many miles – to Paris, Munich, St. Petersburg, even California – to bring us these profiles in scribal skill and artistry.  Those who join him in this journey of 610 pages will benefit from his experience, erudition, and engaging style.            

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Meetings With Remarkable Manuscripts, by Christopher de Hamel, is © Christopher de Hamel, 2016.  Published by Allen Lane, an imprint of Penguin Books.

Other reviews (with pictures):  History Today, Patricia Lovett, Irish Times , Sydney Morning Herald .